ASN: THE CALL TO ARMS.

Title: THE CALL TO ARMS.

Subtitle: THE 'REFLECTIONS' OF THE 2ND WAR OF INDEPENDENCE,COMMONLY KNOWN AS; THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.

Author: Paul Thompson..

Preface:

This in my opinion was a war of independance. Independence for the union to continue what they started when they gained independance from the British. The eleven southen states whanted to be left alone to continue there traditions and therefor seeked independance. The African slaves rightly craved there independance. It was a human triangle seeking independance.

The war fought between the states encumpassed the 11 Southern Confederate states against the 23 Northern Union States.The underpinning quetion of the emancipation of the slaves eventually came to the for. The war fought between the states in which the Confederacy sought to establish itself as a separate nation. The war grew out of differences between the North and the South over slavery opposed by president Lincoln. Slavery was an important part of the southern economy.The Confederates opened the war by attacking fort Sumter in South Carolina. The war would cost more than some 600,000 lives. This is why I have given this peace of work this tittle.THE 'REFLECTIONS' OF THE 2ND WAR OF INDEPENDENCE,COMMONLY KNOWN AS; THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.

Virginia Infantry.

May 1 - Battle of Chancellorsville begins. 1863 May 2, 9:00 p.m. - While reconnoitering with members of his staff, Jackson was accidentally fired upon by his own troops. The 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment was responsible for the "friendly fire" incident.Jackson was struck by three .57 caliber bullets. He was taken to a field hospital near the battlefield, where his left arm was amputated.

INTRODUCTION.

American wars often start with first battles which are memorable, for example, Lexington 'the first shot heard around the world' igniting the American Revolution, or the 'war of Independance'.

The storm clouds were brewing and then like a bolt of lightning out of a darkening sky, war burst upon the American landscape in the spring of 1861, climaxing decades of bitter wrangling and pitting two vast sections of a young and vigorous nation against each other. Northerners called it the War of the Rebellion, Southerners the War Between the States. We know it simply as the Civil War.

For a few days in June 1861, the Battle of Big Bethel captured the attention of two nations and reflected the confusion and violence that would follow in four years of war.Big Bethel was the first land battle of the civil war.

Be Bold at Big Bethel.

In the East, beginning in the spring of 1861, the cry from Union headquarters was "On to Richmond!" For the next four years a succession of Northern commanders struggled desperately to do just that -- get to Richmond. One well-designed effort in 1862 used the mammoth naval might of the Union to reach the vicinity of the Confederate capital by water routes. The other attempts stubbornly slogged across a narrow central Virginia corridor and sought to disperse tenacious Southern defenders who seemed always to be athwart the path. Confederate successes offered occasional opportunities to take the war north into Maryland and Pennsylvania and to threaten Washington. Both sides came to see the enemy army as the proper goal, and both recognized the obligation of the enemy army to defend its respective capital city against military threats. The consequence was four years of war fought to the death mostly in a relatively small strip of Virginia countryside between Washington and Richmond.

When the guns were finally silenced in the spring and early summer of 1865 and the authority of the Federal Government was once again restored, the Union had been permanently scarred. As Mark Twain put it, the war had "uprooted institutions that were centuries old ... transformed the social life of half the country, and wrought so profoundly upon the entire national character that the influence cannot be measured short of two or three generations."The high spirits with which North and South naively go to war after the attack on Fort Sumter first meet the test of battle on a large scale in mid-July as Union troops under Brig. General Irvin McDowell clash with Confederate soldiers under Gen. Joseph E. Johnston and Brig. Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard on the plains of Manassas, Virginia. A sweeping Confederate victory in what Southerners call the First Battle of Manassas (the North calls it Bulls Run) inspires the Federal Government to renewed effort and makes the South over-confident. For the rest of the year the contending armies remain static between Manassas and Washington, giving Union Major General George B. McClellan plenty of time to organize and train his new Army of the Potomac. A small Federal force overwhelmed and crushed at Ball's Bluff, Virginia, in October includes a friend and ally of President Abraham Lincoln, so the political repercussions of that battle outstrip its military significance. In December, Confederate cavalry leader J.E.B. Stuart fights a small affair at Dranesville, Virginia. All of the 1861 actions combined do not equal in scope a single day of the famous battles fought later in the war.

Brief History of the Regiment

Officially organized in September 1861, the 56th Virginia Infantry was composed of ten companies, A to K, which enlisted for one year's service. However, it would be several months before their baptism under fire.

First sent to Abingdon, Virginia, the men camped in the mud for a month while two Confederate generals fought a tug of war with one another over the rights to the regiment. When the conflicting orders were finally resolved, the men of the regiment found themselves moving to Tennessee and soon shivering in the snow at Fort Donelson. Though the 56th fought well in the ensuing battle, it lost two thirds of its men in the action before the fort fell to Ulysses S. Grant. In the hurried shuffle before the surrender, the majority of the men from the 56th were able to board a transport and evacuate to the Kentucky side of the river.

After returning to Virginia, the regiment's next action took place along the banks of the James River. There, using muskets and cannons, it participated in a duel to drive back a Union flotilla that included the U.S.S. Monitor. The 56th next joined George E. Pickett's Brigade in the Army of Northern Virginia and participated in the battles at Gaines' Mill and Frazier's Farm.

In August 1862, the 56th participated inteh Second Manassas Campaign. However, in the month that followed, the regiment could only muster 80 men to serve in the fighting at Boonsboro and Sharpsburg, as a part of the Maryland Campaign. Held in reserve at Fredericksburg, in December 1862, the regiment marched into North Carolina in the spring of 1863 foraging for bacon and tobacco.

Rejoining the Army of Northern Virginia following the battle of Chancellorsville, the 56th moved with Lee toward Gettysburg, Pennsylvania and joined in the horrible assault on Cemetery Ridge on July 3, 1863. Nearly annihilated, the regiment returned to Virginia to man the trenches of the Howlett's Line south of the James River near Drewry's Bluff. The 56th was tested on several occasions while it tried to recover from the losses of Gettysburg. The men came out of the trenches to repel two Federal cavalry raids, to plug the gap in the Confederate line at Chaffin's Farm, and to help repulse the Yankees at Cold Harbor.

The 56th fought its last battle at Hatcher's Run on March 31, 1865. Outgunned, outnumbered, surrounded, and cut-off, the men continued to fight with valor. Only a few escaped to join Lee at the surrender at Appomattox.

Companies:

A - Mechlenburg Guards (Mechlenburg Co.)

B - Mechlenburg Spartans (Mechlenburg Co.)

C - Louisa Holliday Guards (Louisa Co.)

D - Buckingham Yancey Guards (Buckingham Co.)

E - Ebenezer Greys

F - Louisa Nelson Greys (Louisa & Nelson Co.)

G - Charlotte Defenders (Charlotte Co.)

H - White Hall Guards

I - Charlotte Greys (Charlotte Co.)

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K - Harrison's Guards

CHAPTER 1: Walk Through Talk Through Pickets Charge.

The Execution of John Brown. Eyewitness account

Thomas J. Jackson ("Stonewall") to his wife, Mary Anna Jackson

1859 December 2

The original letter is located in the Dabney-Jackson collection at the Library of Virginia. It has been widely reprinted; there are minor editorial variations among different published versions, though no substantive differences. For one published source, see Life and Letters of Thomas J. Jackson by Mary Anna Jackson (NY. Harper. 1892).

December 2

John Brown was hung today at about 11 1/2 A.M. He behaved with unflinching firmness. The arrangements were well made under the direction of Col. Smith. Brown's wife visited him last evening. The body is to be delivered to her. The gibbet was south east of the town in a large field. Brown rode on the head of his coffin, from his prison to the place of execution. The coffin was of black walnut, enclosed in a poplar box of the same shape as the coffin.

He was dressed in carpet slippers of predominating red, white socks, blacks pants, black frock coat, black vest & black slouch hat. Nothing around his neck beside his shirt collar. The open wagon in which he rode was strongly guarded on all sides. Capt. Williams, formerly one of the assistants of the Institute, marched immediately in front of the wagon. The jailer and high sheriff and several others rode in the wagon with the prisoner.

Brown had his arms tied behind him, & ascended the scaffold with apparent cheerfulness. After reaching the top of the platform, he shook hands with several who were standing around him. The sheriff placed the rope around his neck, then threw a white cap over his head & asked him if he wished a signal when all should be ready---to which he replied that it made no difference, provided he was not kept waiting too long.

In this condition he stood on the trap door, which was supported on one side by hinges, and on the other (south side) by a rope, for about 10 minutes, when Col. S. told the Sheriff "all is ready," which apparently was not comprehended by the Sheriff, and the Col. had to repeat the order, when the rope was cut by a single blow, and Brown fell through about 25 inches, so as to bring his knees on a level with the position occupied by his feet before the rope was cut. With the fall his arms below the elbow flew up, hands clenched, & his arms gradually fell by spasmodic motions---there was very little motion of his person for several minutes, after which the wind blew his lifeless body to & fro.

His face, upon the scaffold, was turned a little east of south, and in front of him were the cadets commanded by Major Gilham. My command was still in front of the cadets, all facing south. One howitzer I assigned to Mr. Truheart on the left of the cadets, and with the other I remained on the right. Other troops occupied different positions around the scaffold, and altogether it was an imposing but very solemn scene.

I was much impressed with the thought that before me stood a man, in the full vigor of health, who must in a few minutes be in eternity. I sent up a petition that he might be saved. Awful was the thought that he might in a few minutes receive the sentence "Depart ye wicked into everlasting fire." I hope that he was prepared to die, but I am very doubtful--he wouldn't have a minister with him.

His body was taken back to the jail, and at 6 p.m. was sent to his wife at Harper's Ferry. When it reached Harper's Ferry the coffin was opened and his wife saw the body---the coffin was again opened at the depot, before leaving for Baltimore, lest there should be an imposition.

When I started planning this trip one of the things that I knew that I had to do was to walk Pickett's Charge. That's what I set out to do on the afternoon of the day that I visited the battlefield. Much like the weather of the actual day of the battle the temperature was in the upper 80's, the sky was clear, the breeze was soft and warm. To me it was a perfect summers day.

Lee had ordered a cannonade on the Federal postion that was to be the focal point of the infantry attack. His thinking was that the cannonade would drive the northern guns and troops from the heights. At just after 1:00 in the afternoon the southern cannons openned fire. The depth of the Federal lines was rather shallow and the Confederate artillery did not have much in the way of enfilade fire, this caused most of the southern fire to be long, much of it overshooting the Yankee's postion.

The Yankee foot soldiers laid down behind the stonewall to shelter themselves as best they could from Rebel missiles. Some even fell asleep. The northern infantry suffered little from the cannonade, the northern artillery men did not fair as well.

Union Brigadier General Henry J. Hunt in command of all the northern artillery ordered the return fire to cease, hoping that this would convince Confederate Army that his guns had been silenced. His plan worked well, because as soon as Confederate General Longstreet received word that the Yankee guns were withdrawing, he ordered Pickett into action with a nod of his head.

As I stepped off the line from the edge of the trees on Seminary Ridge looking east I could see the slight rise in the ground that eventually dropped off onto the sunken, invisible from my position, Emmitsburg Road. Nearly a mile from me and my goal was the group of trees on the far ridge, known today as the "Copse of Trees".

This walk was rather amazing, for I would spend over an hour alone in the middle of the battlefield. As I walked along I looked to my right and to my left, in the nearly waist deep grass I could imagine being in the middle of the ten to twelve thousand men that marched across this field on the afternoon of July 3rd, 1863. I could see the reflection of the sun off the thousands of bayonets as we marched along in perfect formation, I could hear their footsteps, the rattle of their equipment, the sound of their regimental flags flapping in the breeze, the shouts of encouragement of their commanders leading them on.

Pickett's Division was on the right, Pettigrew's Division was on the left and Trimble's in support of and following Pettigrew's. Pickett's Division was made up of three brigades of Virginians commanded by Brigadier General Richard Brooke Garnett, Brigadier General James Lawson Kemper, and Brigadier General Lewis A. Armistead. Pickett's force was as far off to the right as they were in depth of the battlefield away from the intended point of attack. This required Pickett's force to change direction several times, known as 'changing front'. As Pickett's men passed in front of the Federal First Corps position they were flanked by a brigade of Vermont soldiers commanded by Brigadier General George J. Stannard. Kemper's Birgade, on the right of Pickett's line, was attacked from behind by Stannard's brigade and enfiladed by artillery on the ridge. Kemper's brigade withered under this distructive fire.

When the three divisions made it to the Emmitsburg Road they found a strong fence on each side, as the advance was slowed by these fences, the Federal guns opened fire again. The acrid smell of gunpowder filled the air. The range was less than 200 yards. Entire companies were wiped out with a signal blast of a cannon, the Rebels advanced but they could not see any of the Federal Infantry.

Garnett's and Armistead's objective was the group of trees in the above picture. As Garnett's men advanced up the hill, the Federal Infantry of the Major General Winfield Scott Hancock's Second Corps suddenly rose from behind the stonewall and hundreds of musket's opened fire, much of Garnett's column seemed to sink into the ground.

"Don't double-quick." Shouted Garnett over the din of battle, "Save your wind and ammunition for the final charge." With these words Garnett slumped forward on his horse, he had been shot several times. His unmanned horse emerged from the smoke, wounded, galloping toward the rear. How many times had Garnett been shot, no one knows. His body was never found. Since he wore a blue coat, perhaps he is buried in an unmarked grave along with the Federal soldiers in the National Cemetery.

Engagement at Big Bethel,

Col. J. B. MAGRUDER,

Commander York Line.

SIR: I have the honor to report that, in obedience to orders from the colonel commanding, I marched on the 6th instant, with my regiment and four pieces of Major Randolph's battery, from Yorktown, on the Hampton road, to Bethel Church, nine miles from Hampton. We reached there after dark on a wet night, and slept without tents. Early on the morning of the 7th I made a reconnaissance of the ground, preparatory to fortifying. I found a branch of Back River on our front, and encircling our right flank. On our left was a dense and almost impassable wood, except about one hundred and fifty yards of old field. The breadth of the road, a thick wood, and narrow cultivated field covered our rear. The nature of the ground determined me to make an inclosed work, and I had the invaluable aid of Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, of my regiment, in its plan and construction. Our position had the inherent defect of being commanded by an immense field immediately in front of it, upon which the masses of the enemy might be readily deployed. Presuming that an attempt would be made to carry the bridge across the stream, a battery was made for its especial protection, and Major Randolph placed his guns so as to sweep all the approaches to it. The occupation of two commanding eminences beyond the creek and on our right would have greatly strengthened our position, but our force was too weak to admit of the occupation of more than one of them. A battery was laid out on it for one of Randolph's howitzers. We had only twenty-five spades, six axes, and three picks, but these were busily plied all day and night of the, 7th and all day on the 8th. On the afternoon of the 8th I learned that a marauding party of the enemy was within a few miles of us. I called for a party of thirty-four men to drive them back. Lieutenant Roberts, of Company F, of my regiment, promptly responded, and in five minutes his command was en route. I detached Major Randolph with one howitzer to join them, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, First Regiment North Carolina Volunteers, requested and was granted permission to take command of the whole. After a march of five miles they came across the marauders busy over the spoils of a plundered house. A shell soon put the plunderers to flight, and they were chased over New Market Bridge, where our little force was halted, in consequence of the presence of a considerable body situated on the other side. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee brought in one prisoner. How many of the enemy were killed and wounded is not known. None of our command was hurt. Soon after Lieutenant-Colonel Lee left a citizen came dashing in with the information that seventy-five marauders were on the Back River road. I called for Captain McDowell's company (E), of the First Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers, and in three minutes it was in hot pursuit. Lieutenant West, of the Howitzer Battalion, with one piece, was detached to join them, and Major Lane, of my regiment, volunteered to assume command of the whole. After a weary march they encountered, dispersed, and chased the wretches over the New Market Bridge--this being the second race on the same day over the New Market course, in both of which the Yankees reached the goal first. Major Lane brought in one prisoner. Reliable citizens reported that two cart loads and one buggy lead of wounded were taken into Hampton. We had not a single man killed or wounded. Colonel Magruder came up that evening and assumed command.

On Sunday, the 9th, a fresh supply of tools enabled us to put more men to work, and, when not engaged in religious duties, the men worked vigorously on the intrenchments. We were aroused at 3 o'clock on Monday morning for a general advance upon the enemy, and marched three and a half miles, when we learned that the foe, in large force, was within a few hundred yards of us. We fell back hastily upon our intrenchments, and awaited the arrival of our invaders. Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart, of the Third [Fifteenth] Virginia Regiment, having come with some one hundred and eighty men, was stationed on the hill on the extreme right, beyond the creek, and Company G, of my regiment, was also thrown over the stream to protect the howitzer under Captain Brown. Captain Bridgers, of Company A, First North Carolina Regiment, took post in the dense woods beyond and to the left of the road. Major Montague, with three companies of his battalion, was ordered Up from the rear, and took post on our right, beginning at the church and extending along the entire front on that side. This fine body of men and the gallant command of Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart worked with great rapidity, and in an hour had constructed temporary shelters against the enemy's fire. Just at 9 o'clock a.m. the heavy columns of the enemy were seen approaching rapidly and in good order, but when Randolph opened upon them at 9.15 their organization was completely broken up. The enemy promptly replied with his artillery, firing briskly but wildly. He made an attempt at deployment on our right of the road, under cover of some houses and a paling. He was, however, promptly driven back by our artillery, a Virginia company--the Life Guards--and Companies B and G of my regiment. The enemy attempted no deployment within musketry range during the day, except under cover of woods, fences, or paling. Under cover of the trees he moved a strong column to an old ford, some three-quarters of a mile below, where I had placed a picket of some forty men. Colonel Magruder sent Captain Werth's company, of Montague's command, with one howitzer, under Sergeant Crane, to drive back this column, which was done by a single shot from the howitzer. Before this a priming wire had been broken in the vent of the howitzer commanded by Captain Brown, and rendered it useless.

A force estimated at one thousand five hundred was now attempting to outflank us and get in the rear of Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart's small command. He was accordingly directed to fall back, and the whole of our advanced troops were withdrawn. At this critical moment I directed Lieutenant-Colonel Lee to call Captain Bridgers out of the swamp, and ordered him to reoccupy the nearest advanced work, and I ordered Captain Ross, Company C, First Regiment North Carolina Volunteers, to the support of Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart. These two captains, with their companies, crossed over to Randolph's battery, under a most heavy fire, in a most gallant manner. As Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart had withdrawn, Captain Ross was detained at the church, near Randolph's battery. Captain Bridgers, however, crossed over and drove the zouaves out of the advanced howitzer battery, and reoccupied it. It is impossible to overestimate this service. It decided the action in our favor.

In obedience to orders from Colonel Magruder, Lieutenants Colonel Stuart marched back, and, in spite of the presence of a foe ten times his superior in number, resumed in the most heroic manner possession of his intrenchments. A fresh howitzer was carried across and placed in the battery, and Captain Avery, of Company G, was directed to defend it at all hazards.

We were now as secure as at the beginning of the fight, and as yet had no man killed. The enemy, finding himself foiled on our right flank, next made his final demonstration on our left. A strong column, supposed to consist of volunteers from different regiments, and under command of Captain Winthrop, aide-decamp to General Butler, crossed over the creek and appeared at the angle on our left. Those in advance had put on our distinctive badge of a white band around the cap, and they cried out repeatedly, "Don't fire." This ruse was practiced to enable the Whole column to get over the creek and form in good order. They now began to cheer most lustily, thinking that our work was open at the gorge, and that they could get in by a sudden rush. Companies B and C, however, dispelled the illusion by a cool, deliberate, and well-directed fire. Colonel Magruder sent over portions of Companies G, C, and H of my regiment to our support, and now began as cool firing on our side as was ever witnessed.

The three field officers of the regiment were present, and but few shots were fired without their permission, the men repeatedly saying, "May I fire?" "I think I can bring him." They were all in high glee, and seemed to enjoy it as much as boys do rabbit-shooting. Captain Winthrop, while most gallantly urging on his men, was shot through the heart, when all rushed back with the utmost precipitation. So far as my observation extended he was the only one of the enemy who exhibited even an approximation to courage during the whole day.

The fight at the angle lasted but twenty minutes. It completely discouraged the enemy, and he made no further effort at assault. The house in front, which had served as a hiding place for the enemy, was now fired by a shell from a howitzer, and the outhouses and palings were soon in a blaze. As all shelter was now taken from him, the enemy called in his troops, and started back for Hampton. As he had left sharpshooters behind him in the woods on our left, the dragoons could not advance until Captain Hoke, of Company K, First North Carolina Volunteers, had thoroughly explored them. As soon as he gave the assurance of the road being clear, Captain Douthatt, with some one hundred dragoons, in compliance with Colonel Magruder's orders, pursued. The enemy in his haste threw away hundreds of canteens, haversacks, overcoats, &c.; even the dead were thrown out of the wagons. The pursuit soon became a chase, and for the third time the enemy won the race over the New Market course. The bridge was torn up behind him and our dragoons returned to camp. There were not quite eight hundred of my regiment engaged in the fight, and not one-half of these drew trigger during the day. All remained manfully at the posts assigned them, and not a man in the regiment behaved badly. The companies not engaged were as much exposed and rendered equal service with those participating in the fight. They deserve equally the thanks of the country. In fact, it is the most trying ordeal to which soldiers can be subjected, to receive a fire which their orders forbid them to return. Had a single company left its post our works would have been exposed; and the constancy and discipline of the unengaged companies cannot be too highly commended. A detachment of fifteen cadets from the North Carolina Military Institute defended the howitzer under Lieutenant Hudnall, and acted with great coolness and determination.

I cannot speak in too high terms of my two field officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Lee and Major Lane. Their services have been of the highest importance since taking the field to the present moment. My thanks,-too, are due, in an especial manner, to Lieut. J. M. Poteat, adjutant, and Lieut. J. W. Ratchford, aide, both of them cadets of the North Carolina Institute at Charlotte. The latter received a contusion in the forehead from a grape shot, which nearly cost him his life. Captain Bridgers' company, A; Lieutenant Owens, commanding Company B; Captain Ross, Company C; Captain Ashe, Company D; Captain McDowell, Company E; Captain Starr, Company F; Captain Avery, Company G; Captain Huske, Company H; Lieutenant Whittaker, commanding Company I; Captain Hoke, Company K, displayed great coolness, judgment, and efficiency. Lieutenant Gregory is highly spoken of by Major Lane for soldierly bearing on the 8th. Lieutenants Cook and McKethan, Company H, crossed over under a heavy fire to the assistance of the troops attacked on the left. So did Lieutenant Cohen, Company C. Lieutenant Hoke has shown great zeal, energy, and judgment as an engineer officer on various occasions.

Corporal George Williams, Privates Henry L. Wyatt, Thomas Fallan, and John Thorpe, Company A, volunteered to burn the house which concealed the enemy. They behaved with great gallantry. Wyatt was killed and the other three were recalled.

Sergeant Thomas J. Stewart and Private William McDowell, Company A, reconnoitered the position of the enemy, and went far in advance of our troops. Private J. W. Potts, of Company B, is specially mentioned by his company commander; so are Sergeant William Elmo, Company C; Sergeants C. L. Watts, W. H. McDade, Company D; Sergeant J. M. Young, Corporal John Dingler, Privates G. H. A. Adams, R. V. Gudger, G. W. Werley, John C. Wright, T. Y. Little, J. F. Jenkins, Company E; R. W. Stedman, M. E. Dye, H. E. Benton, J. B. Smith, Company F; G. W. Buhmann, James C. McRae, Company H.

Casualties.--Private Henry L. Wyatt, Company K, mortally wounded; Lieut. J. W. Ratchford, contusion; Private Council Rodgers, Company H, severely wounded; Private Charles Williams, Company H, severely wounded; Private S. Patterson, Company D, slightly wounded: Private William White, Company K, wounded; Private Peter Poteat, Company G, slightly wounded.

I cannot close this too elaborate report without speaking in the highest terms of admiration of the Howitzer Battery and its most accomplished commander, Major Randolph. He has no superior as an artillerist in any country, and his men displayed the utmost skill and coolness. The left howitzer, under Lieutenant Hudnall; being nearest my works, came under my special notice. Their names are as follows:

Lieutenant Hudnall, commanding (wounded), Sergeant S. B. Hughes, G. H. Pendleton, R. P. Pleasants, William M. Caldwell, George W. Hobson, William McCarthy, H. C. Shook (wounded), L. W. Timberlake, George P. Hughes, John Worth (wounded), D. B. Clark.

Permit me, in conclusion, to pay a well-deserved compliment to the First Regiment North Carolina Volunteers. Their patience under trial, perseverance under toil, and courage under fire have seldom been surpassed by veteran troops. Often working night and day--sometimes without tents and cooking utensils--a murmur has never escaped them to my knowledge. They have done a large portion of the work on the intrenchments at Yorktown, as well as those at Bethel. Had all of the regiments in the field worked with the same spirit, there would not be an assailable point in Virginia. After the battle they shook hands affectionately with the spades, calling them "clever fellows and good friends."

The men are influenced by high moral and religious sentiments, and their conduct has furnished another example of the great truth that he who fears God will ever do his duty to his country.

The Confederates had in all about one thousand two hundred men in the action. The enemy had the regiments of Colonel Duryea (zouaves), Colonel Carr, Colonel Allen, Colonel Bendix, and Colonel Wardrop (Massachusetts), from Old Point Comfort, and five companies of Phelps' regiment, from Newport News. We had never more than three hundred actively engaged at any one time. The Confederate loss was eleven wounded; of these, one mortally. The enemy must have lost some three hundred. I could not, without great disparagement of their courage, place their loss at a lower figure. It is inconceivable that five thousand men should make so precipitate a retreat without having sustained at least this much of a reverse.

Let us devoutly thank the living God for His wonderful interposition in our favor, and evince our gratitude by the exemplariness of our lives.

With great respect,

D. H. HILL,

Colonel First Regiment North Carolina Volunteers.

The Battle of Big Bethel

OPERATIONS ABOUT NORFOLK AND YORKTOWN--BATTLE OF BIG BETHEL--BURNING OF HAMPTON.

SCOTT'S fourth line of invasion had for its objective the capture of Richmond by way of "the peninsula" from Fort Monroe, using the navy on the James and York rivers to guard the flanks of the movement. Before this could be successfully made it was necessary to secure Norfolk and the Gosport navy yard and their defenses, which guarded the entrance to the waterway of the James, and Yorktown and Gloucester point, which guarded that to the York.

The general-in-chief was a soldier, who, naturally, placed the most reliance upon the army to carry out his plans. Therefore he attached the greatest importance to the direct movement on Richmond from Washington, by way of Manassas, and gathered his largest army for that purpose. Yet, one well informed as to the defensive conditions of Virginia, and especially of Richmond, at the beginning of the war, can but wonder that the most important movement was not made by way of the peninsula by the army, aided by the navy on the York and the James, since at that time there had been no preparations worth mentioning to prevent such a movement or the capture of Virginia's capital. This can only be accounted for by the demoralized condition in which the war and the navy departments of the United States were left by the resignation, as soon as Virginia passed an ordinance of secession, of such a large proportion of the best officers of these two arms of the service, natives of Virginia and other Southern States.

As before stated, when it had been decided that the Virginia convention would provide for secession, the first two objects to demand the attention of the executive were the capture of the armory and arsenal at Harper's Ferry and the arsenal and navy yard at Gosport in the vicinity of Norfolk. On the night of April 16th, some men in Norfolk, without authority, seized light boats and other small craft and sank them in the channel to prevent the escape of ships from the navy yard. There were at the navy yard at that time 4 ships of the line, 3 frigates, 2 sloops of war, 1 brig and the steam frigate Merrimac, and some 780 marines and other armed men.

On the 18th of April, Governor Letcher called out the militia of Norfolk and vicinity, and dispatched Maj.-Gen. William B. Taliaferro to take command of the same and endeavor, by a rapid movement, to secure the navy yard. After having done this he asked Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, to immediately send 2,000 troops to Norfolk to aid the Virginia militia. Pickens at first declined, as"it might appear intrusive," and besides, "we stand at present on the defensive." He said he would ask President Davis for advice. The latter wired Letcher for information as to his object in asking for troops. He replied that it was to secure the Gosport navy yard, where the Merrimac, the Cumberland, the Pennsylvania, and perhaps other vessels were at that time; that the channel was partially obstructed and it would require 5,000 men to take the place. On the 19th the Confederate secretary of war informed Governor Brown, of Georgia, that 2,000 troops had been ordered from South Carolina to Norfolk, to report to General Taliaferro, and asked that several companies be sent from Georgia to the same place, to go at once, or they would be too late. Davis replied to Letcher, on the 19th, that he had ordered sent him two regiments from South Carolina and some companies from Georgia; also that the resolution of the Virginia convention for an alliance had been received and accepted. On the 19th, Letcher telegraphed Taliaferro: "As we need powder, keep an eye to securing that article." On the 20th the governor of Georgia reported that he had four companies ready to start for Virginia. The Seaboard railroad furnished facilities for sending these South Carolina and Georgia troops directly to Norfolk.

Scott, on the 19th of April, ordered Capt. H. G. Wright, of the engineers, to proceed to the Gosport navy yard to aid the commodore there in command, in designing and executing a plan of defense; instructing him to call at Fort Monroe and consult Colonel Dimick regarding the sending of a regiment of infantry to assist in the defense of the navy yard, but to "bear in mind that, although the navy yard and its contents are of very great importance, Fort Monroe is still more so to the Union." Captain Wright at once proceeded on the steamer Pawnee to Fort Monroe. One of the two regiments which had arrived at Fort Monroe that morning, about 370 strong, under Colonel Wardrop, was marched on board the Pawnee, which arrived at Norfolk on the night of the 20th.

When Captain Wright reached the navy yard he found that all the ships there, except the Cumberland, had been scuttled on the 19th by Commodore McCauley, the commandant of the navy yard, and were fast sinking; but finding McCauley disposed to defend the yard, the troops were landed and dispositions taken for its defense, when Commodore Paulding, who had come on the Pawnee from Washington, decided to finish the destruction of the scuttled ships, and, after destroying the navy yard, to withdraw with the frigate Cumberland in tow of the Pawnee and a steam tug lying at the yard. To Captain Wright and Commodore Rodgers was assigned the duty of blowing up the dry dock, a massive structure of granite masonry, which they prepared to do by placing a mine in a gallery along one of its side walls, in which they used 2,000 pounds of powder, brought from one of the ships, connected by a train of powder and slow matches with the outside. This done, all the men were sent to the ship, except one to watch for the commodore's signal for lighting the matches to fire the mine and the buildings, which was done by Captains Wright and Rodgers. The lighted fires burned so rapidly that those officers had great difficulty in escaping from the yard, and were unable to reach the Pawnee, which had already moved away, as the Virginia troops just then advanced rapidly from the Portsmouth side and opened fire on the yard, the steamer, and the boat in which Wright and Rodgers tried to escape. They then rowed to the Norfolk side and delivered themselves to the commanding general of the Virginia forces, at about 6 o'clock on Sunday morning, April 21st. Their attempt to blow up the dock was not successful, and to burn the arsenal but partially so.

On the 22d, Vice-President Stephens telegraphed President Davis, from Richmond:

Gosport navy yard burned and evacuated by the enemy; 2,500 guns, artillery and ordnance saved, and 3,000 barrels of powder; also large supply of caps, and shells loaded, with the Bormann fuse attached. Yard not so much injured as supposed. Merrimac, Germantown and Dolphin sunk; Cumberland escaped.

On Sunday, April 21st, Richmond was thrown into great consternation by a dispatch stating that the steamer Pawnee was coming up James river to destroy the powder taken from the magazine at old Fort Norfolk and the cannon foundry above Richmond. Alarms were sounded, citizens rushed to arms, and troops and a battery were at once sent down the James to Chaffin's bluff, where the river is quite narrow, and hasty preparations made for the defense of the city. The Pawnee, after returning from the attempted destruction of the navy yard, was reported as making a reconnoissance up the James, which caused this alarm, revealing to the author-ties the utterly defenseless condition of Richmond, and inducing them to take steps for its defense. The advisory council met after the excitement had subsided, and directed Governor Letcher to instruct the governor of South Carolina to change the destination of his troops to Richmond, "where an effort would be made to concentrate as large a force as possible to make that city the base of operations for defending the interests of the Southern States."

Maj.-Gen. Walter Gwynn, who had been assigned to command of the Virginia forces at Norfolk, reported on the 23d that the Baltic had arrived off Old Point with troops from Boston and then proceeded to Washington; that the Cumberland, the only war vessel in Hampton Roads, was lying off Old Point. That day the advisory council asked the governor to direct General Gwynn to send a flag to Fort Monroe and ascertain whether it was true that army officers, citizens of Virginia, were kept in irons at that fort, or otherwise restrained against their will. The governor was also directed to have vessels that had been seized and detained in the waters of Virginia inspected, valued and detained for the defense of the State. Ex-Governor Wise, from near Norfolk, about that time urged the Richmond authorities to place heavy guns at Hampton to prevent the forces at Fort Monroe from taking the points of vantage and shutting up Virginia bays and rivers, concluding: "We are quiet here now, but fortifying, and daily along Lynnhaven seeing the steamers take reinforcements up the bay and the Potomac to Washington. This can be done all the time until we surround Fort Monroe and make the roads too hot to hold the blockading fleets."

On the 25th, the governor asked the advisory council the very important question as to how steam vessels, entering the navy yard at Portsmouth or other ports, on State service, could be supplied with coal, when in want, that being then the case with one such vessel at Portsmouth. Fortunately for Virginia, she had, in the vicinity of Richmond, the fine Chesterfield coalfield, which supplied during the war an abundance of coal for steam and manufacturing purposes.

On the 24th of April, the steam tug Young America went out from the harbor of Norfolk and was proceeding to take charge of the schooner George M. Smith, off Fortress Monroe, loaded with contraband of war, when it was seized by the United States frigate Cumberland, and there resulted quite a correspondence between General Gwynn and Flag-Officer Pendergrast, of the United States navy, in reference to that and other captures of vessels in Hampton Roads, the one claiming the right to make such seizures and the other denying it.

Learning that the Virginia midshipmen from the naval school at Annapolis had resigned and tendered their services to the State, Capt. R. L. Page, of the Virginia navy, at this time advised the establishment of a temporary schoolship for their use at Norfolk, for drill, etc., until their services were wanted for special duties, a suggestion that received the approval of the advisory council.

A strict blockade had been established by the Federal authorities, cutting off all communication even with other Virginia ports; Federal vessels were constantly making soundings from Cape Henry lighthouse to the barricades in the channel of Elizabeth river, and it was the opinion of Com. French Forrest, May 1st, that the United States intended to make a descent on Gosport navy yard to correct their recent error of destruction and evacuation. He suggested that a competent military force be stationed to resist such efforts, saying that he could muster only 73 men under arms in the yard, and scarcely 40 appeared from the town, and only two of those properly armed.

On the 30th of April, G. J. Pendergrast, commanding the Federal squadron, gave formal notice of an efficient blockade of the ports of Virginia and North Carolina. Col. S. Bassett French, aide to Governor Letcher, from Norfolk, May 2d, notified General Lee of this blockade, and that the troops from Suffolk, some 300, had been brought to Norfolk, leaving the Nansemond river approaches undefended. He thought 10,000 men absolutely necessary for the defense of the public property in and about Norfolk.

The Bay line was permitted, on the 4th, to resume trips for mails and passengers. A British ship from Liverpool, with salt for Richmond, was boarded at Old Point, but sailed on and delivered its cargo. It was reported, on the 6th of May, that Federal vessels chased and fired on steamers to within 12 miles of Gloucester point.

Lewis E. Harvie, president of the Richmond & Danville railroad, patriotically offered, without charge, to furnish transportation from his railroad to remove the ordnance from the navy yard at Norfolk to the interior. The council advised the acceptance of this offer, and that orders be immediately given to remove all ordnance from the navy yard, not necessary for its defense and that of Norfolk and Portsmouth, to safe points in the interior. Early in May, Gen. R. E. Lee was assigned to the command of volunteer troops ordered to the battery on Jamestown island.

Gov. I. G. Harris, of Tennessee, asked the governor of Virginia for artillery for the defense of the Mississippi and the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, and the council advised Governor Letcher to fill this requisition with fifty 32-pounders, a supply of balls, and two sample gun carriages. The governor was also directed to purchase the steamer Northampton, for the service of the State.

D. G. Duncan, the special agent of the Confederate government, from Richmond, reported to Secretary of War L. P. Walker, that intelligent and distinguished men in Richmond "believe Virginia on the very brink of being carried back, and say no man but President Davis can save her .... There is disappointment that he does not assume entire direction of affairs here .... General Lee has ordered Louisiana troops to Harper's Ferry .... The South Carolina troops refuse to move unless under orders from Montgomery. Military control is essential to the interests of the Confederate States. I doubt if there are 5,000 Virginians armed and equipped." That same 7th of May the council advised Governor Letcher to issue an order to Major-General Lee to assume command of all forces from other States that had or might hereafter report to him, or tender their services to Virginia, until orders are received from the President of the Confederate States in reference to the same.

It was reported in Richmond, on the 9th, that thirty vessels were detained at Old Point by Commander Pender-grast; one of them a Richmond ship, from South America, with 3,000 bags of coffee, the last of the fine fleet owned at Richmond, that by direct trade with Brazil made that city one of the leading coffee markets of the country, a loss she has never recovered.

On the 10th, Capt. H. Coalter Cabell reported his arrival at Gloucester point, by way of West Point, and the placing of his Virginia battery in position, and that he would soon have that place perfectly safe from attack. He suggested similar works on the Rappahannock, the Potomac and the northern side of James river, adding: "These positions secured and defended by heavy guns, Virginia is safe from invasion by sea."

From Richmond, on the 11th, Rev. Dr. W. N. Pendleton, of Lexington, Va. (afterward captain of the Rockbridge artillery, and later colonel and brigadier-general of artillery), wrote to President Davis: "As you value our great cause, hasten on to Richmond. Lincoln and Scott are, if I mistake not, covering by other demonstrations the great movement upon Richmond. Suppose they should send suddenly up the York river, as they can, an army of 30,000 or more; there are no means at hand to repel them, and if their policy shown in Maryland gets footing here, it will be a severe, if not a fatal blow. Hasten, I pray you, to avert it. The very fact of your presence will almost answer. Hasten, then. I entreat you, don't lose a day." Pendleton was a classmate of Davis at West Point, and an intimate friend.

Maj. Benjamin S. Ewell, in command of the Virginia militia at Williamsburg, wrote on the 11th to Adjutant-General Garnett that a better disposition to volunteer in the service of the State had been evinced by the citizens of James City, York and Warwick, and he hoped to be able to report within a week five or six companies mustered in and doing camp duty; that in Elizabeth City county, volunteers and militia numbered about 600 men, so that about 1,200 could be raised on the peninsula. He asked for arms and a battery of field pieces for these men, and for cadets to drill them. In a private letter of the same date, Major Ewell informed General Lee that there was disaffection in the Poquosin island section of York county, from which there had been no volunteers, and it might be well to give him authority to call out the militia of the Sixty-eighth regiment from that section if found necessary.

Col. Charles K. Mallory, of the One Hundred. and Fifteenth regiment, Virginia militia, from Hampton, on the 13th informed Governor Letcher that two companies from Fort Monroe had taken possession of Mill creek bridge and of the property adjoining, giving as a reason for so doing that they wanted possession of a well of water on that side of the creek. He thought their object was to hold the north bank of Mill creek, and perhaps erect works there. Considering that movement an invasion of Virginia, he had ordered out the volunteer companies of Elizabeth City county. General Lee went to Norfolk on the 16th to look into the condition of military affairs at that point, returning to Richmond on the 19th.

On the 18th, the United States steamer Monticello fired on the unfinished Virginia battery at Sewell's point, but did no damage. There were no guns there at that time, but three were immediately sent forward from Norfolk and got in position by 5 p.m. of the 19th. During the 19th the Monticello lay opposite Sewell's point, apparently not suspecting the placing there of three 32-pound-ers in battery. When the Monticello opened again at 5:30 p.m., the battery at once replied with such effect as to drive her off, and while many shot and shell fell in and around the battery no material loss was suffered. Capt. P. H. Colquitt, of the Columbus (Ga.) Light Guards, was in command at Sewell's point, with three companies from Norfolk. In the absence of a Confederate flag that of the State of Georgia was hoisted over the battery. He reported that the troops acted with great bravery and he had to restrain them in their enthusiasm. On the night of the 19th additional guns and ammunition were sent to Sewell's point. On the 21st the Monticello steamed up and fired twice at the Sewell's point battery, but when answered drew off.

Brig.-Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, of the Massachusetts militia, was assigned, on the 22d of May, to the command of the "department of Virginia," with headquarters at Old Point Comfort, and nine additional infantry regiments were sent to that place. On the 23d, between 4 and 5 p.m., a Federal regiment made a demonstration against Hampton, greatly alarming the citizens of that place. Maj. J. B. Cary, of the Virginia artillery, in command at Hampton, had made arrangements for the destruction of the bridges leading from Fort Monroe, but the enemy were in sight before the fires could be well started. He then sent Lieutenant Cutshaw to demand of the Federal colonel his object in approaching Hampton with so large a body of men. He replied that he had simply come, under the order of General Butler, to reconnoiter; he then gave assurance that he would make no attack upon personal property, unless molested, when both sides joined in extinguishing the fires at the bridges. This amicable understanding reached, the Federal troops marched into the town, remained for awhile and then returned. Major Cary reported to Colonel Ewell at Williamsburg, that this demonstration indicated the propriety of removing his camp farther from Hampton, where the people had responded indifferently to his call for aid in erecting intrenchments. As the site selected for his camp was probably visible from the ramparts of Fort Monroe, he thought the erection of the first tent there would be the signal for another demonstration.

On the 21st of May, Col. John B. Magruder, of the provisional army of Virginia, a Virginian officer of the old Federal army, later a major-general of the Confederate States army, was assigned to the command of the "department of the Peninsula," including the York and the James rivers, and he began organizing forces for defense. Maj. H. B. Tomlin, commanding at West Point, reported that he had placed guards near the York river railroad bridge over the Pamunkey.

A letter of General Lee to ex-Governor Wise, of May 24th, describes the situation at that date:

Since my arrival in Richmond I have used every exertion to organize troops and prepare resistance against immediate invasion, which has appeared imminent, and as almost everything had to be created, except the guns found at the Gosport navy yard, the preparations have absorbed all the means I can command. We are still engaged in making gun carriages for the river defenses and field service, preparing ammunition for all arms, constructing machines for the manufacture of caps, etc., ammunition wagons, etc., which must be continued. It seems to me, therefore, impossible at this time to prepare a marine battery, such as you describe, which would be effective in carrying out your design, as desirable as it would be. All the force and means at Norfolk are now employed in preparing defenses against a water and land approach. Could proper redoubts be erected at Willoughby's and Sewell's points, capable of standing a siege, and with an armament to command the adjacent waters, they would be of great advantage. Ineffectual batteries would provoke useless conflict and expose to the risk of capture the heavy guns therein placed. This has, in a .measure, been recently exemplified .... Gen. B. Huger, formerly of the United States army, an officer of great merit, has been assigned to the command at Norfolk, and I hope will be able to secure it against successful invasion.

On May 25th, Governor Ellis notified President Davis that 37,000 stand of arms in the Fayetteville arsenal were at his disposal; that troops were constantly coming in, and he asked what he should do with a regiment that was ready for service, concluding: "The people are a unit, waiting for an advance on Washington."

Brig.-Gen. Benjamin Huger reported, from Norfolk, on the 26th, that with time and means he hoped to soon get the defenses of Norfolk in order; that Williams' North Carolina regiment had arrived from Richmond, and the Federals were landing troops at Newport News.

Major-General Butler moved a body of troops, by transports, from Fort Monroe to Newport News, about 7 a.m., May 27th, and began intrenching a camp, of which he reported, "when completed, it will be able to hold itself against any force that may be brought against it, and afford even a better depot from which to advance than Fortress Monroe." His next movement would be to take the battery at Big Point, exactly opposite Newport News, and commanding Nansemond river, and once in command of that battery, he could advance along the Nansemond and take Suffolk, and there either hold or destroy the railroads between Richmond and Norfolk and between Norfolk and the South; then, with a perfect blockade of Elizabeth river, "Norfolk will be so perfectly hemmed in that starvation will cause the surrender, without risking an attack on the strongly fortified intrenchments around Norfolk, with great loss and perhaps defeat."

In a letter of May 27th, Butler informed Scott that the people of Virginia were using negroes in the batteries and preparing to send the negro women and children South; that squads of negro families were constantly coming into his lines and he was "in doubt what to do with this species of property," but had determined to employ the able-bodied persons on wages and issue food to those unemployed, to be paid for out of these wages, and that $60,000 worth of such property was then in his hands. He concluded this subject thus:

As a means of offense, therefore, in the enemy's hands these negroes, when able.bodied, are of the last importance. Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at least for many weeks. As a military question, it would seem to be a measure of necessity to deprive their masters of their services. How can this be done? As a political question and a question of humanity, can I receive the services of the father and mother and not take the children? Of the humanitarian aspect I have no doubt. Of the political one I have no right to judge. I therefore submit all this to your better judgment; and as these questions have a political aspect, I have ventured--and I trust I am not wrong--to duplicate the parts of my dispatches relating to this subject and forward them to the secretary of war.

Maj. John B. Hood (subsequently a distinguished Confederate lieutenant-general) was, on the 23d, placed in charge of the cavalry on York river, for the purpose of establishing a camp of instruction and making judicious disposition of the pickets and videttes; :he same day Col. D. H. Hill (later a Confederate lieutenant-general) assumed command of the post at Yorktown. On the 28th, two more companies of cavalry were ordered from the camp of instruction at Ashland to Yorktown; Hodges' Virginia regiment was sent to Jamestown island as a protecting force for the batteries, and Jordan's artillery company was ordered to Jamestown island and Hupp's to Craney island. Cabell's battery of light artillery was ordered from Gloucester point to Yorktown, leaving at the former place only 400 infantry under command of Lieut.-Col. P.R. Page.

On the 31st, in a letter to Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, General Lee said he had recommended forwarding troops to Norfolk and the transfer of the North Carolina camp of instruction from Weldon to Suffolk, because of the importance of holding Norfolk, which commands the communication with North Carolina by canal and railroad, and in view of the danger of the occupation of Suffolk by United States forces and thereby closing communication between Richmond and Norfolk.

At 9 a.m. of June 5th, the Federal steamer Harriet Lane opened on the Confederate battery established at Big Point, across the James from Newport News, with shot and shell from her Ii-inch gun and 32-pounders, from a distance of a mile and a half. The steamer fired thirty-three shot and shell, but did no damage except to crack an 8-inch gun. The battery in return fired twenty-three shot and shell, which caused the steamer to move off, apparently injured after a combat lasting fifteen or twenty minutes. Commander R. B. Pegram, of the Virginia navy, praised the cool and self-possessed conduct of the Portsmouth (Va.) rifles, who had never before been in action, writing of them: "Every man behaved in the most spirited and creditable manner, and were so regardless of danger that I had often to interpose my authority to prevent their exposing themselves unnecessarily to the enemy's fire."

On the 7th of June, Governor Letcher, after an extended correspondence with the President in reference to the standing officers in the Virginia service would have in the Confederate service, issued a proclamation transferring all Virginia troops, ordnance stores, etc., to the government of the Confederate States.

On the 10th the Louisiana Zouaves, under Lieutenant-Colonel Coppens, were ordered from Richmond to Yorktown, as were also Alabama companies from Richmond and Gloucester point, to form a regiment under Col. John A. Winston.

Capt. W. H. Werth, of the Chatham Grays, Virginia cavalry, on the 7th of June made a reconnoissance with 20 picked men of the Old Dominion dragoons, two men from his own company, and accompanied by Captain Phillips, Lieutenant Cary and Lieutenant Harrison, to examine the Federal camp at Newport News. He then rode to within a few hundred yards of the fortifications, when he came unexpectedly on a party engaged in cutting wood, the leader of which he killed, and the Federals scattered, yelling, "Look out for the Virginia horsemen!" Two companies from a Federal regiment, that had apparently come to the rescue, did not fire their muskets, but in a panic all rushed back to camp, yelling, "Virginia horsemen!" even gunners abandoning two guns already unlimbered.

General Butler, having learned that the Virginians had established an outpost at Little Bethel church, about 8 miles from Newport News and the same distance from Hampton on the road to Yorktown, and that a short distance farther on the road to Yorktown, at Big Bethel church, near the head of the north branch of Back river, there was another outpost, where works of more or less strength were in process of erection, ordered Duryea's Fifth New York regiment ferried over Hampton creek, at 1 o'clock of the morning of June 10th, under orders to march to New Market bridge, and thence by a by-road to the rear of the Confederates between Big and Little Bethel. This regiment was to cut them off and attack Little Bethel, and Colonel Townsend with the Third New York regiment was to march an hour later, with two mounted howitzers, from Hampton, in support of Duryea. At the same time Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn. was ordered from Newport News, with a battalion to make a demonstration upon Little Bethel in front, supported by Colonel Bendix's Seventh New York regiment, with two field pieces. The commands of Townsend and Bendix were to effect a junction at a fork of the road from Hampton to Newport News, about a mile and a half from Little Bethel. The march was timed for the attack to be made at daybreak. After the attack on Little Bethel, Duryca's regiment and another from Newport News were to follow up the fugitives, if they got off, and attack the battery on the road to Big Bethel while covered by the retreating fugitives. The troops all got into position as ordered, but by some blunder, Bendix's regiment, which had halted at the fork of the road, with two pieces of artillery, without notice opened fire, with both artillery and musketry, on Townsend's column marching up in Duryea's rear, when but 100 yards away. Some of Townsend's men returned this fire, but his column retreated to a nearby eminence, and Washburn, hearing this fire and thinking his communication might be cut off, reversed his march back to his reserves, as did also Duryea. Pierce, in command of the expedition, who was with Townsend's regiment, fearing that his movement was discovered and that the enemy was in force on his line of march, sent back for reinforcements, when Butler sent him Allen's First New York regiment.

Pierce, in the meantime, having ascertained the true state of affairs, effected a junction of his regiments and resumed his movement. Upon reaching the Confederate camp at Little Bethel, he found it vacated, the Federal cavalry having pressed on toward Big Bethel. He then prepared to attempt to carry the works at Big Bethel, commencing an attack about 9:30.

In his report of the 16th, Butler said, "This attack was not intended to enable us to hold Big Bethel as a post, because it was not seriously in our way on any proposed road to Yorktown, and therefore there was never any intention of maintaining it even if captured. The length of the road and the heat of the weather had caused great fatigue, as many of the troops, the previous night having been cool, had marched with their thickest clothing." From subsequent information, he was sure the force which was first at Big Bethel did not exceed a regiment, and if his order of attack had been obeyed, he had no doubt the battery would have been captured; but the officers in immediate command had an exaggerated idea of the numbers of the enemy, and believed there were 4,000 or 5,000 troops at Big Bethel. A return, accompanying his report, shows that one Massachusetts, one Vermont, and five New York infantry regiments, and the Second United States artillery were actually engaged in this contest, and that the losses were 18 killed, 53 wounded, and 5 missing, an aggregate of 76. Among the killed was Maj. Theodore Winthrop, of Butler's staff.

From Bethel church, Col. J. Bankhead Magruder, commanding "Hampton division," reported on the 10th that he was attacked by about 3,500 Federal troops with several pieces of heavy artillery, that morning at 10 o'clock, and at 12:30 had routed them completely, having had 1,200 men engaged of his 1,400. Magruder's force in the battle was: Col. D. H. Hill's First North Carolina and Lieut.-Col. William D. Stuart's Third Virginia infantry regiments, Maj. E. B. Montague's Virginia cavalry battalion, and Maj. George W. Randolph's Richmond (Va.) howitzer battalion. A Louisiana infantry regiment arrived after the battle was over, but returned to Yorktown the same night, marching 28 miles during the day, as it was not thought prudent to leave Yorktown exposed without troops.

Col. D. H. Hill, with that fullness and accuracy of statement which always characterized his reports, furnished the particulars of this Big Bethel engagement. On the 6th of June he marched from Yorktown, with his own regiment, the First North Carolina, and four pieces of Major Randolph's battery, to Bethel church, on the road to Hampton and 9 miles from that village, which he reached after dark. Early in the morning of the 7th he reconnoitered the ground preparatory to fortifying. The northwest branch of Back river was found in front and encircling the right flank, while on the left was a dense wood about 150 yards behind an old field; a thick wood and a narrow field were in the rear. The defect of the position was a very large field, immediately in front of it, across the river, upon which an enemy could readily be deployed. The nature of the ground determined Colonel Hill to make an enclosed work, nearly in the form of a square, with the road running through it, with a redoubt for a battery, for the protection of the bridge, in which Major Randolph placed his guns so as to sweep all the approaches. On an eminence across the creek, on the right of the road, was placed an outwork, with an emplacement for one of Randolph's guns.

During the day and night of the 7th and all day of the 8th, Hill's men busily plied the few implements which he had at his disposal, constructing defenses. Learning on the afternoon of the 8th that a marauding party of the enemy was within a few miles of him, Lieutenant Roberts with a detachment of his regiment, accompanied by Major Randolph with a howitzer, all under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, of the First North Carolina, set out and chased the party over New Market bridge. McDowell's company of the First North Carolina, with a Richmond howitzer gun under Lieutenant West, in command of Major Lane, of the First North Carolina, was sent in pursuit of a second band, with a result described by Colonel Hill, with his peculiar dry humor as' "the second race on the same day over the New Market course, in both of which the Yankees reached the goal first."

Colonel Magruder came up in the evening of the 8th and assumed command. On Sunday a fresh supply of tools enabled Hill to put more men at work on the intrenchments, but worship was not omitted, as Hill was a Presbyterian elder, of the "Stonewall" Jackson type, who mingled faith and works. Magruder roused his men at 3 o'clock, on Monday morning, June 10th, for a general advance upon the enemy, which he had planned, but he had marched only 3½ miles when it was learned that the enemy in large force was also advancing and but 100 yards in front; the opposing commanders each having decided to attack the other on that day. The Confederates quickly fell back within their intrenchments and awaited the coming of the invaders. Colonel Stuart, with his 180 Virginians and a howitzer, was stationed in the works on the hill, on the extreme right, beyond the creek. Bridgers' company, of the First North Carolina, was posted in the dense woods on the left of the road, and three companies of Montague's (Virginia) battalion were placed on the right. Stuart's men, by vigorous work, in an hour improved their temporary defenses.

At 9 o'clock the heavy columns of the enemy approached rapidly and in good order, but when Randolph opened on them, their organization was broken up, yet they promptly replied to the artillery, firing briskly but wildly. An attempt was then made to deploy, under cover of some houses and fences on the left of the road, but this movement was quickly driven back by Randolph's artillery and its supports. In the meantime, the enemy, under cover of woods, moved a strong column to their right to an old ford three-quarters of a mile below the bridge, where Hill had placed a picket of 40 men. To that threatened point Magruder promptly sent Werth's company and a howitzer under Sergeant Crane, which drove back this attack with a single shot. At about the same time some 1,500 Federals attempted, by a movement t:o their left under cover of woods and fences, to outflank Stuart and get in rear of his small command posted on the right across the creek. This was detected, and Stuart was directed to withdraw across the swamp. At that critical moment Hill recalled Captain Bridgers from the swamp and ordered him to reoccupy the nearest advanced work; Captain Ross was also ordered to the support of Colonel Stuart. These North Carolina companies crossed the bridge under a heavy fire in a most gallant manner. In the meantime Stuart withdrew, and Ross was detained near Randolph's main battery at the church, but Bridgers crossed over, drove the New York Zouaves out of the advanced howitzer redoubt and reoccupied it. This daring movement turned the combat in favor of the Confederates. Magruder followed it up by ordering Stuart back to Bridgers' support. He promptly crossed the creek in the face of a largely superior foe and resumed his former position in the intrenchments. A fresh howitzer was also taken across and placed in the battery; thus the conditions of the contention on the Confederate side were made as secure as they were at the beginning of the fight, without the loss of a single man.

The attack on the Confederate right foiled, Captain Winthrop, of Butler's staff, led a strong column to a final demonstration on the Confederate left, crossing the creek and appearing in front of the left angle of the works. The Federals in this advance had a white band around their caps, and kept crying out, "Don't fire," practicing this ruse to enable the whole column to get over the creek and form in good order. They then began to cheer lustily, thinking the Confederate work was open at the gorge and they could get in by a sudden rush, but two companies of the First North Carolina quickly unde-ceived them by a deliberate and well-directed fire, in which they were assisted later by three other companies of the same regiment sent to their support. These joined in the combat with great ardor. Of this Colonel Hill wrote: "Captain Winthrop, while most gallantly urging on his men, was shot through the heart, when all rushed back with the utmost precipitation ... The fight at the angle lasted for twenty minutes. It completely discouraged the enemy and he made no further effort at assault. The house in front, which had served as a hiding place for the enemy, was now fired by a shell from a howitzer, and the outhouse and palings were soon in a blaze. As all shelter was now taken from him, the enemy called in his troops and started back for Hampton." As soon as the road was clear, Captain Douthat pursued the enemy with about 100 dragoons, chasing them for the third time over the New Market bridge, which they tore up behind them and so broke the pursuit.

Of the Richmond howitzers, Colonel Hill wrote: "I cannot close this too elaborate report without speaking in the highest terms of admiration of the howitzer battery and its most accomplished commander, Major Randolph. He has no superior as an artillerist in any country, and his men displayed the utmost skill and coolness."

Of his own regiment, the First North Carolina, he said:

"Their patience under trial, perseverance under toil, and courage under fire have seldom been surpassed by veteran troops." After stating that they had done a large portion of the work on the intrenchments at Yorktown as well as on those at Bethel, he said: "After the battle they shook hands affectionately with the spades, calling them 'clever fellows and good friends.' The men are influenced by high moral and religious sentiments, and their conduct has furnished another example of the great truth that he who fears God will ever do his duty to his country."

Hill estimated that the enemy had five and a half regiments, or about 5,000 men, in the action, while the Confederates never had more than 300 of their 1,400 engaged at one time; and that the Confederate loss was 11 wounded, 1 mortally. Stuart reported: "Both officers and men under my command behaved with the greatest coolness throughout the whole engagement, and none were injured." Major Randolph wrote of his battalion: "I can say nothing more of the conduct of its officers and men than to express the high gratification afforded me by their courage, coolness and precision." Capt. W. H. Werth stated that when ordered to the left, to meet the Federal movement about a mile below the bridge, he led his command across an open field under a shower of shell and canister, and when he saw the Fifth New York moving down the opposite bank of the stream to cross the ford and turn his left, he "at once took double-quick and made the distance of over a mile in about nine minutes, beating the Zouaves and getting in position at the ford in time to cause them to halt."

In his report General Magruder lauded the conduct of his men, adding: "Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the heroic soldier whom we lost. He was one of four who volunteered to set fire to a house in our front, which was thought to afford protection to our enemy, and advancing alone between the two fires, he fell midway, pierced in the forehead by a musket ball. Henry L. Wyatt is the name of this brave soldier and devoted patriot. He was a member of the brave and gallant First North Carolina regiment." It is generally admitted that young Wyatt was the first Confederate soldier killed in action in Virginia during the civil war. "The firing of the howitzer batteries," Magruder said, "was as perfect as the bearing of the men, which was entirely what it ought to have been." Magruder left his cavalry at Big Bethel, but marched the remainder of his forces back to Yorktown. His cavalry pursuit of the Federals continued for 5 miles, to New Market bridge across the southwest branch of Back river, which the flying enemy had destroyed. He wrote in concluding his report: "Our means of transportation were exceedingly limited, but the wounded enemy were carried with our own wounded to farmhouses in our rear, where the good people, who have lost almost everything by this war, and who could see the smoking ruins of their neighbors' houses, destroyed by the enemy both in his advance and retreat, received them most kindly and bound up their wounds."

On the 13th, General Lee acknowledged the receipt of Colonel Magruder's account of the action at Big Bethel, and added: "I take pleasure in expressing my gratification at the gallant conduct of the troops under your command, and my approbation of the dispositions made by you, resulting, as they did, in the rout of the enemy."

General Lee, in correspondence with Colonel Magruder at this time, urged the rapid construction of batteries for water and land defense, hoped that the defenses at Sewell's point and Craney island, which were in weak condition, had been completed and provided with sufficient garrisons; and among other things, said the troops he was collecting at Suffolk should hold command of and prevent the destruction of the railroads.

Hon. R. M. T. Hunter wrote from Lloyd's, June 10th, to President Davis regarding the rumor that the real attack upon Richmond would be made from the Rappahannock, which he thought practicable. He gave a detailed description of the routes that would probably be taken by an invading army having Hanover Junction for its strategic objective, and suggested the proper locations for defenses against such a movement, not forgetting, good, loyal, Tidewater Virginian that he was, that some of these defenses would protect some oyster-beds.

On the 14th General Lee called the attention of Governor Letcher to the slow progress being made, for the want of laborers, in constructing the defensive works about Richmond, suggesting "that all available persons in and about Richmond be organized for the defense of the city; that they provide themselves with such arms as each can procure, and that arrangements be made for the fabrication of suitable ammunition. These are intended as precautionary measures, which can better be made now than upon the eve of an emergency, should it arise."

On the 15th of June, Colonel Magruder, by authority from the governor, called into active service the Sixty-eighth and One Hundred and Fifteenth regiments of Virginia militia, to rendezvous at Yorktown on the 24th, fully organized. The commandant of the Norfolk navy yard was ordered on the 18th to furnish eight 32-pounders, carriages for ten 42-pounders, and four large launches and cutters, as early as possible, for the defenses of York river. On the 19th the steamer Northampton was transferred to the war department for an army transport on James river.

On the 20th Colonel Magruder issued a general order assigning troops to various posts in his department. Colonel Ewell was assigned to the duty of erecting fortifications in the vicinity of Williamsburg, in conjunction with Capt. A. L. Rives, of the engineers; Col. D. H. Hill, with his First North Carolina regiment, was assigned to the command of the post at Yorktown, with directions to submit further plans for its defense; Col. T. P. August, with his Fifteenth Virginia regiment, was assigned to Williamsburg, to prosecute the defensive works at Grove landing, Spratley's farm, King's mill and Tutter's Neck, under the supervision of Colonel Ewell and Captain Rives; Col. Charles A. Crump, with his Twenty-sixth Virginia regiment, was assigned to Gloucester point, and Col. J. G. Hodges, with the Fourteenth Virginia regiment, to Jamestown island.

Left in temporary command at Yorktown, Col. D. H. Hill wrote, June 15th, to General Lee:

The enemy is burning for revenge for his total rout at Bethel church. There can be no doubt that he will attempt to take this point, either by a night surprise or by a regular siege. We are totally unprepared for either alternative. The development of our lines is so great that they cannot be manned with less than 6,000 troops. Now we have no siege guns at all, and our forces are divided between Bethel church, Grove landing and Williamsburg. We are therefore liable to be beaten in detail with our present weak force, and the York line may be lost at any moment. At this time there are scarce 3,000 men in Yorktown and our lines cannot possibly be defended with fewer than 6,000. Permit me, then, to urge that more troops may be sent here, and that some dozen siege guns be mounted in our batteries.

To this Lee replied that if that place should be besieged, measures would be taken for its relief; that no siege guns were then available for it, and that reinforcements would be sent as rapidly as the arrival of available troops would permit.

Gen. R. E. Lee, commanding, furnished, June 15th, to Governor Letcher, a statement of the military and naval preparations Virginia had made for her defense, from the date of her separation from the United States government to the date of the transfer of the military operations of the State to the Confederate government. (1) Arrangements were made for the establishment of batteries to prevent the ascent of her tidal rivers by hostile vessels, and as soon as sites for these batteries were selected, their construction was begun and their armament and defense committed to the Virginia navy. (2) Preparations were also begun for receiving into the service of the State volunteer companies, and for organizing, arming and equipping these; establishing a rendezvous, appointing mustering officers and providing for their subsistence and shelter. The first estimate of the number of troops of all arms required, based upon the points to be defended, was for 51,000 men. This estimated quota from each portion of the State was furnished except from the western section. (3) Arrangements were made for calling out volunteers from the western section, at the same time and in the same manner as from the east, but up to the date of his writing, this had been but feebly responded to.

Complete returns had not yet been received from the troops in the field, but, from the best information within his reach, General Lee believed the number of Virginia troops in the service was about 35,000, probably more, as the report of her ordnance officer showed that he had issued 2,054 rifles and carbines and 41,604 muskets, besides pistols and sabers for the cavalry. In addition to these, 13,000 arms had been issued from the Lexington arsenal, making a total of 56,658. From Lexington 7,000 arms had been issued to troops from other States, and also several thousand from the arsenal at Richmond. About 5,000 men of the Virginia companies were armed and equipped when received into the State's service, so that the number of Virginia troops in the field was about 40,000. Virginia's adjutant-general, W. H. Richardson, reported, April 17th, that Virginia had in her service, at that date, of armed volunteers, 3,350 cavalry, 780 artillery, 5,700 light infantry, and 2,130 riflemen; a total of 12,050. General Lee added:

When it is remembered that this body of men were called from a state of profound peace to one of unexpected war, you will have reason to commend the alacrity with which they left their homes and families and prepared themselves for the defense of the State. The assembling of men, however, was not the most difficult operation. Provision for their instruction, subsistence, equipment, clothing, shelter and transportation in the field required more time and labor. Ammunition of every kind had to be manufactured. The carriages of the guns for river, land and field service had to be made, with the necessary implements, caissons, battery wagons, etc. One hundred and fifteen guns for field service have thus been provided. from which twenty light batteries, of four guns each, have been furnished, with the requisite horses, harness, etc.

The defenses for Virginia rivers were provided for as follows: On the James, two batteries and two steamers, mounting 40 guns, ranging from 32-pounders to 8 and 9-inch columbiads; with arrangements made for mounting 60 guns in the defenses around Richmond, and for a naval battery of 6 and 12-pound howitzers. On the York, three batteries had been constructed, mounting 30 guns. On the Potomac, sites for batteries had been selected and arrangements made for their construction, but as the command of that river was in possession of the United States, a larger force was required for their security than could be devoted to that purpose; therefore, only a battery at Aquia creek, with 12 guns, had been completed. On the Rappahannock, a four-gun battery of 32-pounders and 8-inch columbiads had been erected. On the Elizabeth, to guard the approaches to Norfolk and the navy yard, six batteries, mounting eighty-five 32-pounders and 8 and 9-inch columbiads, had been erected. On the Nansemond, to prevent access to the railroad from Norfolk, three batteries, mounting 19 guns, had been constructed. In addition to the batteries described, other works had been constructed for their land defense, exceeding, in many instances, the works on the batteries themselves, such as an extensive line of field works for the security of Norfolk on the sides toward the bay, and redoubts for the same purpose at Jamestown island, Gloucester point, Yorktown, and across the neck of land below Williamsburg.

In the conduct of naval affairs by Virginia, the sunken frigate United States had been raised at the navy yard and prepared for a schoolship and for harbor defense, with a deck battery of nineteen 32-pounders and 9-inch columbiads; the frigate Merrimac (the famous ram Virginia of 1862) had been raised and was in the dry dock, and arrangements had been made for raising the Germantown and the Plymouth.

Magruder reported on the 16th, from Yorktown, that he had 5,550 effective men; that he should have 4,500 more to make his line secure, and 15 heavy guns. General Huger reported, from Norfolk, on the 17th, that the Federals were placing artillery on the Ripraps, and on Saturday afternoon the command at Sewell's point was surprised by having eight or ten shells from that artillery exploded in and around their battery.

On the 18th, General Lee, as Magruder had requested, directed Lieut. R. R. Carter, commanding the steam tender Teazer, to co-operate with the batteries on Jamestown island in the defense of James river. He informed Colonel Magruder that requisition had been made for eight 32-pounders and four 42-pounder carronades for the defense of the land approaches to Yorktown, and for four boats, for service in York river, capable of transporting 400 or 500 men each; and that Captain Whittle was authorized to send to Yorktown the guns intended for Gloucester point, if not immediately wanted at that place. To Hon. W. C. Parks, of the Virginia convention, he wrote that the supply of arms for Virginia volunteers was so limited that he had suggested to the governor a method of procuring some old flint-lock muskets, which, if successful, he hoped would furnish the means of giving arms to the men in Grayson county and others that were much in want.

Colonel Magruder reported on the 18th, from Bethel church, that he then occupied that post with the Second Louisiana, to which he had attached the York and Warwick companies, two batteries of artillery and some cavalry, and had placed a Georgia regiment in support; and next day he wrote, that threatened by an advance of the enemy, via Warwick Court House, he had evacuated Bethel and marched for Yorktown. He learned, afterward, that the enemy had only come out to procure horses and mules and had then returned; and he found his men much fatigued and dispirited by this constant marching and countermarching, made necessary by the weakness of his force, but still "that must be done and the enemy kept in his trenches and fortifications."

On June 24th, a war steamer carne opposite the house of J. W. Gresham, on the Rappahannock river, below Urbana, and sent men ashore to purchase supplies. On being refused, and seeing a small company of Lancaster troops approaching, the enemy fled precipitately to their boats, fired on as they shoved off. The ship then opened and fired fifty-three shot and shell at Mr. Gresham's house, one of the balls striking the bed in which Mrs. Gresham was lying iii, and a shell exploding in an outhouse to which she was removed.

General Butler about this time reported that Colonel Allen, with a small detachment of his men, had, without orders, burned a wheat field of some twenty-five acres, belonging to a widow, which he had safeguarded, his only excuse being that they were getting the wheat. "For this wanton destruction and waste he had the privates punished and the colonel arrested and held for trial, as such destruction and waste of the property of our enemies even, will disgrace us."

On June 27th, Col. Lafayette McLaws (later major-general) was ordered to take command of all the troops in the vicinity of Williamsburg; Colonel Ewell was ordered to report to him; Capt. A. L. Rives was also assigned to duty with Colonel McLaws, and Colonel August's station was changed to King's mill or Grove landing.

About midnight of July 4th, Lieut.-Col. Charles D. Dreux, of the First Louisiana battalion, led a detachment of 150 infantry, 1 howitzer and about 15 or 20 cavalry, in an advance in the direction of Newport News and took post, in ambush, near Curtis' farm. The videttes soon announced the approach of about 100 Federal cavalry. Notwithstanding the orders that had been given to the men not to fire until ordered, some shots were exchanged between the videttes and some of the men concealed on the left, and the enemy, and Colonel Dreux was mortally wounded. Capt. S. W. Fisk, of the Louisiana battalion, succeeding to the command, ordered his men to wheel into line; but in the meantime the enemy had disappeared, the horses, taking fright, had run off down the road with the gun, and the opportunity for a surprise having passed, and there being a large force of the enemy near, the scouting party returned to camp. Colonel Magruder reported that he had himself gone, the morning before, with a larger force to the York road, as the enemy had crossed Hampton creek, leaving Dreux in command, who organized this expedition after he left. He ascertained that the enemy's force which fled was about 400, and that a war steamer came up after the skirmish and threw shells into the woods where it took place. The gallant colonel died from his wounds the next morning.

On the 11th, Thomas H. Wynne, chairman of the city committee on defenses, informed the secretary of war that the city council of Richmond was willing to bear a fair proportion of the expenses of erecting defenses around the city, but as that was an important point to the Confederate government, it should take charge of this work, as it had done elsewhere.

Brigadier-General Huger, from Norfolk, July 12th, submitted a list of the Virginia volunteer companies under his command, as organized into regiments and battalions, calling attention to the fact that all the infantry regiments had their complement of companies, except the Forty-first, which would soon be filled up by companies ready to be mustered in. These regiments were: The Third, Roger A. Pryor, colonel, F. H. Archer, lieu-tenant-colonel, and Joseph Mayo, major; the Sixth, William Mahone, colonel, Thomas J. Corprew, lieutenant-colonel, and W. P. Lundy, major; the Ninth, F. H. Smith, colonel, J. T. L. Preston, lieutenant-colonel, and Stapleton Crutchfield, major (the superintendent and two professors of the Virginia military institute); the Twelfth, D. A. Weisiger, colonel, F. L. Taylor, lieuten-ant-colonel, and Edgar L. Brockett, major; the Twenty-sixth, R. E. Colston, colonel, H. T. Parish, lieutenant-colonel, and John C. Page, major; the Forty-first, John R. Chambliss, Jr., colonel, George Blow, Jr., lieutenant-colonel, and Fred W. Smith, major. The Forty-first had but seven companies. There was a cavalry regiment of eight companies, without field officers, and a battalion of field artillery of five companies, without field officers. Of the officers named, Mahone afterward became major-general, and Pryor, Weisiger, Colston and Chambliss, brigadier-generals.

Col. Robert Johnston, commanding the cavalry at Cockletown, reported that a volunteer scout of four had returned to camp that morning, bringing in Captain Jenkins and Lieutenant Shurtleff of the United States naval brigade. This scout met a party of six, near New Market bridge, killed Major Rawlings, wounded the two officers brought in, and put the rest to flight. Soon afterward Colonel Johnston reported that he would occupy Bethel, endeavor to secure the negroes from the lower part of the peninsula, and then occupy Harrod's and Young's mills, whence he could best operate with safety against marauding parties.

July 24th, on account of the panic following the battle of Bull Run, Butler was required to send a force of about 4,000 men to Washington. He wrote to Scott: "This reduction of my forces here leaves it impossible to take up or hold any advanced position. Newport News, where I have an intrenched camp, and a very important point in my judgment, would be in great danger of attack from Yorktown and Warwick, where the Confederates are now concentrating troops across the James river from Smithfield to Warwick."

As soon as Colonel Magruder learned the result of the battle of Manassas, he ordered Colonel Johnston to proceed, with about 2,000 men, to reconnoiter in the immediate vicinity of Hampton and Newport News. As soon as Johnston appeared before Hampton, a large balloon was sent up, from which his force was observed, and a hasty evacuation took place. Magruder ordered a junction of troops from Williamsburg and Yorktown--about 4,000, including 400 cavalry and two batteries of the how-itzers--in Warwick county, where he established a depot of supplies at the courthouse, and then marched to Bethel church. On August 6th he disposed his force between the Federals at and around Fort Monroe and those in garrison at Newport News.

On the morning of the 7th, Magruder displayed his force within a mile and a half of Newport News, with the hope of drawing out the enemy. Disappointed in this, he moved his left flank to within a mile of Hampton, where a copy of the New York Tribune, containing a recent report from Butler to the secretary of war, was placed in his hands, in which the former announced his intentions with respect to Hampton, about one-third of which had been burned by the Federals when they evacuated it in consequence of the withdrawal of 4,000 of their best troops to Washington. Butler, in that report, in substance stated:

That be intended to fortify Hampton and make it so strong as to be easily defended by a small number of troops; that he did not know what to do with the many negroes in his possession unless he possessed Hampton; that they were still coming in rapidly; that as their masters had deserted their homes and slaves, he should consider the latter free, and would colonize them at Hampton, the home of most of their owners, where the women could support themselves by attending to the clothes of the soldiers, and the men by working on the fortifications of the town.

Magruder reported, that having known for some time that Hampton was the harbor of runaway slaves and traitors, and that being under the guns of Fort Monroe it could not be held, even if taken, he was under the impression that it should have been destroyed before; and when he found, from Butler's report, its importance to the enemy, and that the town would lend great strength to the fortifications directly around it, he determined to burn it; that the gentlemen of Hampton, many of whom were in his command, seemed to concur with him in the propriety of this course. He further hoped that the sight of a conflagration would draw away the troops from Newport News at night. Having reached this conclusion, Magruder made disposition of his troops, selecting four Virginia cavalry companies to burn the town, three of them made up of persons from that portion of the country, and many of them from Hampton. To support this party, the Fourteenth Virginia was posted near Hampton to guard against an attack from any unexpected quarter; New Market, between Hampton and Newport News, was taken possession of, and a force disposed so as to meet any troops coming from Newport News to the relief of Hampton. He then described the skirmish at the Hampton bridge, which induced the enemy to retreat, at the end of half an hour, with some loss, and with only one of his men wounded. "Notice was then given to the few remaining inhabitants of the place, and those who were aged or infirm were kindly cared for and taken to their friends, who occupied detached houses. The town was then fired in many places and burned to the ground." About daybreak of the 8th the troops that had fired the town returned to Bethel for rest, not having been molested by the enemy.

General Butler, in his report of this affair, said that just before noon the Confederates attacked his guard at the bridge and attempted to burn it, but were driven back, when they proceeded to fire Hampton, in a great number of places, and by 12 o'clock it was in flames and was soon entirely destroyed. He wrote:

They gave but fifteen minutes' time for the inhabitants to remove from their houses, and I have to-day brought over the old and infirm, who by that wanton act of destruction are now left houseless and homeless. The enemy took away with them most of the able-bodied white men. A more wanton and unnecessary act than the burning, as it seems to me, could not have been committed. There was not the slightest attempt to make any resistance on our part for the possession of the town, which we had before evacuated. There was no attempt to interfere with them there, as we only repelled an attempt to burn the bridge. It would have been easy to dislodge them from the town by a few shells from the fortress, but I did not choose to allow an opportunity to fasten upon the Federal troops any portion of this heathenish outrage.

Magruder reported that there was sickness among the troops on the peninsula, nearly all of a typhoid character, and many deaths were occurring. The Fifth North Carolina, over 1,000 strong, had then less than 400 for duty. "In addition to the measles, ague and fever, bilious and typhoid fever, symptoms of scurvy are apparent throughout the command; typhoid has been so prevalent and fatal at Jamestown island as to make the withdrawal of the men from that post necessary." He added, that he had called out a large force of negroes to complete the fortifications, and he requested that funds be sent for the payment of these laborers, without delay, as many of them were free negroes. He did not wish the sanitary condition of his men to be made known, for obvious reasons, and said:

Those men who can take the field are in fine spirits, and so keen for an encounter with the enemy that I believe Newport News could be carried, though it is excessively strong, and garrisoned by troops and supported by a naval force more than equal to my own in numbers. I do not think it can be done, however, without a loss of one-half of our men in killed and wounded. It could not be held by us for any length of time if it were taken, as the troops from Fort Monroe in much larger force could place themselves in our rear, and the position itself could be shelled by the enemy's ships both in front and on the left flank. Its temporary position, therefore, would not compensate for the loss necessary in taking it.

On the 17th of August, Maj.-Gen. John E. Wool superseded Butler in department command, and Butler was put in command of the volunteer forces in the department exclusive of those at Fort Monroe, practically his own brigade.

CHAPTER 2: VIRGINIA INFANTRY REGIMENTS.

39th Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment: The Eastern Shore and the War Between the States. The officers who organized the 39th in 1861 were part of the Eastern Shore's elite. First was Col. Charles Smith, an Eastville doctor and militia officer. Then there was Lt. Col. Louis C.H. Finney of Onancock and Maj. Nathaniel Robert Cary both veterans of the militia and Cary a veteran of the Mexican War. The Surgeon was Peter Fielding Browne who lived in The Rectory in Accomac. Browne's brother, O.A. Browne, served on the CSS Shenandoah. Others included Surgeon William A. Thom and Asst. Surgeon William S. Stoakley. The adjutant was Hugh Ker, related to John Ker (Kerr) who built Kerr Place in Onancock in 1799, present site of the Eastern Shore of VA Historical Society. Hugh Ker lived at Cessford, in Eastville. Finally, the Asst. Quartermaster was R.B. Winder (pronounced "win" in Virginia). Overall, many of the officers had good intentions but few had any combat experience or military education. They even had to inquire whether or not the soldiers could go home at night and rotate camp service! Incidences such as this plagued the regiment for its history. Colonel Smith's first official report was prepared on July 11th at Camp Huger. He informed the Confederate Secretary of War, Leroy P. Walker, of the situation on the Shore. "In accordance with orders received from General Richard Garnett, I have mustered into service three companies of infantry and one of cavalry, numbering 220 men. This force has now been doing active service at Camp Huger for four weeks. We are almost entirely cut off from the rest of the Southern Confederacy by the blockade…You can readily perceive, sir, that we would be glad to receive all the information and instructions as to our duty with which you can furnish us." Co. A, from Northampton County, belonged to Capt. William C. Wickings. They enlisted on June 8 and later served in the 19th VA Arty and in the 16th VA Infy. They were stationed at Camp Huger, three miles from Eastville, the county seat. Co. B was under Capt. Francis M. Ironmonger. They enlisted in June for 12 months and were stationed at Camp Huger which was the site of old Revolutionary War earthworks. Some later signed on for the duration of the war and served in the 16th VA, Co. H, or the 19th VA Arty. Co. C was a cavalry company under Capt. Thomas Z. Henderson. It was raised on June 22 at Franktown, Northampton. A few escaped to the mainland and later served in the 19th VA Arty or the 16th VA. Co. D was officered by James S. Kellam and mustered in June at Downing's Wharf, Northampton. They later served in the 19th VA Arty or Capt. Young's Marine Howitzer Co. Company A numbered 80 men, while B, C and D numbered 89, 73 and 63 respectively. Their occupations range from school teacher (G.W.J. Addison) to student (C.F. Brickhouse) to farm laborer (J.H. Bradford). The first action for these companies was at Cherrystone Creek on August 2nd for the "purpose of keeping off the enemy." Companies A and B took positions along Cherrystone Creek while Colonel Smith ordered companies B and D to positions 14 miles away on Old Plantation Point from Camp Huger. Federal ships by the names of Cadwalader, Adnatic and Fanny had set out from Fort Monroe. The Union gunners and the Confederate soldiers were inaccurate and neither side sustained casualties even though the engagement lasted 3 hours. These steamers tried to land but without success and in retreating, "burnt two…vessels" belonging to local citizens "to effect the blockade." The Baltimore Sun later reported on August 5th that the Federal ships had come under artillery fire but it is unlikely that any artillery was there. This was the only skirmish in Northampton County.

First Bull Run July 21, 1861 - Manassas.

The Union Army under Gen. Irvin McDowell suffers a defeat at Bull Run 25 miles southwest of Washington. ConfederateGen. Thomas J. Jackson earns the nickname 'Stonewall,' as his brigade resists Union attacks. Union troops fall back to Washington. President Lincoln realizes the war will be long. 'It's damned bad,' he comments.

On July 21, 1861 the First Battle of Bull Run occurred. It was the first real major conflict of the American Civil War. A Union army, consisting of 28,000 men, commanded by General McDowell , fought 33,000 Confederates under General Beauregard . The Union army, under pressure to crush the rebellion in the South, marched towards Richmond, but met the Confederate forces coming north from Manassas, a Southern base.

At the beginning of the five hour battle the Union soldiers had the Confederates on the retreat, except for one brigade commanded by General Jackson . Due to Jackson's ability to hold his ground and his stubbornness, the men saw him similar to a stone wall, hence the nickname "Stonewall" Jackson.

It was sweltering on that day in Manassas Virginia.The left flank of Brigadier Gen P.G.T. Beaugread's confederate forces had been turned by the Federals, and the situation had become desperate.After heavy fighting all morning the gray clad Brigades of Evens, Bartow, and Bee were falling back to Henery House Hill. Desaster is imminant,however, a few hundred yards behind widow C. Judith's house,Brig Gen Thomas J. Jackson and the Virginia Infantry Brigade were on a reverse slope awaiting.

Calmly and stedfast the 6 Batteries of supporting artilary,waiting on the top of the slope with the infantry in the dead ground on the reverse slope ready to recieve the on coming yanky lines.Still wearing his blue frock coat and Virginia Military Institute cap, Thomas J Jackson,survaeys the battle rolling towards him.

He waits and observs near the center of his command.He orders the 4th Virginia to load and then to fix Bayonets. To his front a section of Reverend William N. Pendleton's Artillery serves iron into the packed blue ranks ascending the hill.

Very soon now, and the 4th will rise up, and Jackson, the former VMI Professor of Philosophy, will acquire a nickname by which he will be remembered forever, 'Stonewall Jackson'. "We will rise and give them a volly, then charge bayonets, and then yell like the devil", he told them, then they charged ,into history.

Thanks to Jackson the Confederates were able to hold out until General Johnston showed up with 9000 reinforcements to help out Beauregard near Henry House Hill. The arrival changed the course of the battle and soon the Union soldiers were fleeing back to Washington. However, because of the disorganization of Beauregard's army, they could not pursue McDowell any further.

The battle proved that this was not going to be a one sided war for either side, as was predicted. The casualties soared to 2,900 killed, wounded, captured, or missing for McDowell's army and 2,000 for Beauregard's. The battle spurred a sense of victory in the South, pushing them on, and in the North a feeling for revenge.

Ruins of the Stone Bridge over which Northern forces retreated until it was blown

up by a Rebel shell adding to the panic of the retreat, with the Federals

returning to Washington as 'a rain-soaked mob.'

CHAPTER 3:Chapter 3: "shiloh"

On April 6/7, 1862 - Confederate surprise attack on Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's unprepared troops at Shiloh on the Tennessee River results in a bitter struggle with 13,000 Union killed and wounded and 10,000 Confederates, more men than in all previous American wars combined.Besides his weapons, the soldier needed a leather belt with a cap box for the percussion caps that fired his weapon, a box for his cartridges, a sling/scabbard for his bayonet, a haversack and/or knapsack to carry his rations and his few personal items.

The Battle of Shiloh, 1862.

In April 1862 General Ulysses S. Grant's army was encamped along the Tennessee River just north of the Mississippi border; poised to strike a blow into the heartland of the South. Grant had been at this location for about a month, awaiting the arrival of additional troops under General Buell before he began his march southward. Twenty miles to the south, in Corinth, Mississippi, Confederate General Albert Sidney Johnston ordered his troops northward with the plan of attacking Grant before Buell arrived. The stage was set for one of the Civil War's bloodiest battles.

On the morning of April 6, Johnston's force surprised Grant in an attack that slowly pushed the Union troops back from the high ground they occupied towards the Tennessee River. Fighting was fierce. Many of the Union troops fled to the rear upon the initial Confederate assault and by afternoon General Johnston was confident that victory was within his grasp. However, Union resistance stiffened. Fighting around the white-washed Shiloh Church was particularly vicious. In a wooded thicket the Confederates labeled "the Hornets' Nest" the Northern troops struggled for nearly six hours before finally surrendering. The Union soldiers stalled the Confederate onslaught by exchanging their precious lives for time in which reinforcements could arrive. With nightfall, fighting subsided. Grant's forces were pinned against the Tennessee River but the exhausted Confederates were short of their goal of complete victory.

One casualty of the afternoon's combat was General Johnston who lost his life while directing his troops from the front lines. His death severely affected the Confederate's morale and their belief in victory.

Buell's reinforcements finally arrived during the night as did forces under General William H. Wallace, strengthening the Union lines with 22,500 fresh troops. With the break of dawn, Grant attacked, pushing the exhausted Confederates steadily back until they finally began a retreat in the early afternoon that left the field to the Union forces.

The confrontation had been a slaughter on both sides. Corpses littered areas

of the battlefield to the extent that, as General Grant described, 'it would

have been possible to walk across the clearing in any direction stepping on

dead bodies without a foot touching the ground.' Nearly 100,000 troops had

faced each other and almost 24,000 ended as casualties. This horrendous outcome

was a wake-up call to the nation announcing that the continuing war would be

costly for both sides.

The Battle Begins - Violets for Protection:

"Henry Morton Stanley earned fame in 1872 for his discovery of Dr. David Livingstone in the interior of Africa Stanley Finds Livingstone, 1872. Ten years earlier, the 21-year-old Stanley had enlisted in the Confederate Army and on April 6, 1862 he found himself preparing for battle at Shiloh. He later described that day and we join his story as his unit readies itself for the fight:

'Day broke with every promise of a fine day. Next to me, on my right, was a boy of seventeen, Henry Parker. I remember it because, while we stood-at-ease,he drew my attention to some violets at his feet, and said, 'It would be a good idea put a few into my cap. Perhaps the Yanks won't shoot me if they see me wearing such flowers, for they are a sign of peace.' 'Capital,' said I, 'I will do the same.' We plucked a bunch, and arranged the violets in our caps. The men in the ranks laughed at our proceedings, and had not the enemy been so near, their merry mood might have been communicated to the army.

We loaded our muskets, and arranged our cartridge pouches ready for use. Our weapons were the obsolete flintlocks and the ammunition was rolled in cartridge-paper, which contained powder, a round ball, and three buckshot. When we loaded we had to tear the paper with our teeth, empty a little powder into the pan, lock it, empty the rest of the powder into the barrel, press paper and ball into the muzzle, and ram home. Then the Orderly-sergeant called the roll, and we knew that the Dixie Greys were present to a man. Soon after, there was a commotion, and we dressed up smartly. A young Aide galloped along our front, gave some instructions to the Brigadier Hindman, who confided the same to his Colonels, and presently we swayed forward in line, with shouldered arms. Newton Story, big, broad, and straight, bore our company-banner of gay silk, at which the ladies of our neighbourhood had laboured.

As we tramped solemnly and silently through the thin forest, and over its grass,still in its withered and wintry hue, I noticed that the sun was not far from appearing, that our regiment was keeping its formation admirably, that the

woods would have been a grand place for a picnic; and I thought it strange that a Sunday should have been chosen to disturb the holy calm of those woods.

Before we had gone five hundred paces, our serenity was disturbed by some desultory firing in front. It was then a quarter-past five. 'They are at it already,' we whispered to each other. 'Stand by, gentlemen,' - for we were all gentlemen volunteers at this time, - said our Captain, L. G. Smith. Our steps became unconsciously brisker, and alertness was noticeable in everybody. The firing continued at intervals deliberate and scattered, as at target-practice. We drew nearer to the firing, and soon a sharper rattling of musketry was heard. 'That is the enemy waking up,' we said. Within a few minutes, there was another explosive burst of musketry, the air was pierced by many missiles, which hummed and pinged sharply by our ears, pattered through the tree-tops and brought twigs and leaves down on us. 'Those are bullets,' Henry whispered with awe.'

The Power of the Rebel Yell:

Stanley and his regiment come under fire but advance towards the Union lines steadily firing, loading, and firing their muskets as they proceed:

After a steady exchange of musketry, which lasted some time, we heard the order: 'Fix Bayonets! On the double-quick!' in tones that thrilled us. There was a simultaneous bound forward, each soul doing his best for the emergency. The Federals appeared inclined to await us; but, at this juncture, our men raised a yell, thousands responded to it, and burst out into the wildest yelling it has ever been my lot to hear. It drove all sanity and order from among us. It served the double purpose of relieving pent-up feelings, and transmitting encouragement along the attacking line. I rejoiced in the shouting like the rest. It reminded me that there were about four hundred companies like the Dixie Greys, who shared our feelings. Most of us, engrossed with the musket-work, had forgotten the fact; but the wave after wave of human voices, louder than all other battle-sounds together, penetrated to every sense, and stimulated our energies to the utmost.

'They fly!' was echoed from lip to lip. It accelerated our pace, and filled us with a noble rage. Then I knew what the Berserker passion was! It deluged us with rapture, and transfigured each Southerner into an exulting victor. At such a moment, nothing could have halted us.

Those savage yells, and the sight of thousands of racing figures coming towards them, discomfited the blue-coats; and when we arrived upon the place where they had stood, they had vanished. Then we caught sight of their beautiful array of tents, before which they had made their stand, after being roused from their Sunday-morning sleep, and huddled into line, at hearing their pickets challenge our skirmishers. The half-dressed dead and wounded showed what a surprise our attack had been'.

Under Fire:

Continuing to advance, Stanley and the Confederates come upon another Union camp and are met by a hail of bullets and cannon fire:

After being exposed for a few seconds to this fearful downpour, we heard the order to 'Lie down, men, and continue your firing!' Before me was a prostrate tree, about fifteen inches in diameter, with a narrow strip of light between it and the ground. Behind this shelter a dozen of us flung ourselves. The security it appeared to offer restored me to my individuality. We could fight, and think, and observe, better than out in the open. But it was a terrible period! How the cannon bellowed, and their shells plunged and bounded, and flew with screeching hisses over us! Their sharp rending explosions and hurtling fragments made us shrink and cower, despite our utmost efforts to be cool and collected. I marveled, as I heard the unintermitting patter, snip, thud, and hum of the bullets, how anyone could live under this raining death. I could hear the balls beating a merciless tattoo on the outer surface of the log, pinging vivaciously as they flew off at a tangent from it, and thudding into something or other, at the rate of a hundred a second. One, here and there, found its way under the log, and buried itself in a comrade's body. One man raised his chest, as if to yawn, and jostled me. I turned to him, and saw that a bullet had gored his whole face, and penetrated into his chest. Another ball struck a man a deadly rap on the head, and he turned on his back and showed his ghastly white face to the sky.

'It is getting too warm, boys!' cried a soldier, and he uttered a vehement curse upon keeping soldiers hugging the ground until every ounce of courage was chilled. He lifted his head a little too high, and a bullet skimmed over the top of the log and hit him fairly in the centre of his forehead, and he fell heavily on his face. But his thought had been instantaneously general; and the officers, with one voice, ordered the charge; and cries of 'Forward, forward!' raised us, as with a spring, to our feet, and changed the complexion of our feelings. The pulse of action beat feverishly once more; and, though overhead was crowded with peril, we were unable to give it so much attention as when we lay stretched on the ground.

Just as we bent our bodies for the onset, a boy's voice cried out, 'Oh, stop, please stop a bit, I have been hurt, and can't move!' I turned to look, and saw Henry Parker, standing on one leg, and dolefully regarding his smashed foot. In another second, we were striding impetuously towards the enemy, vigorously plying our muskets, stopping only to prime the pan and ram the load down, when, with a spring or two, we would fetch up with the front, aim, and fire.

Our progress was not so continuously rapid as we desired, for the blues were obdurate; but at this moment we were gladdened at the sight of a battery galloping to our assistance. It was time for the nerve-shaking cannon to speak. After two rounds of shell and canister, we felt the pressure on us slightly relaxed; but we were still somewhat sluggish in disposition, though the officers' voices rang out imperiously. Newton Story at this juncture strode forward rapidly with the Dixies' banner, until he was quite sixty yards ahead of the foremost. Finding himself alone, he halted; and turning to us smilingly, said, 'Why don't you come on, boys?' You see there is no danger!' His smile and words acted on us like magic. We raised the yell, and sprang lightly and hopefully towards him. 'Let's give them hell, boys!' said one. 'Plug them plum-centre, every time!'

It was all very encouraging, for the yelling and shouting were taken up by thousands. 'Forward, forward; don't give them breathing time!' was cried. We instinctively obeyed, and soon came in clear view of the blue-coats, who were scornfully unconcerned at first; but, seeing the leaping tide of men coming on at a tremendous pace, their front dissolved, and they fled in double-quick retreat. Again we felt the 'glorious joy of heroes.' It carried us on exultantly, rejoicing in the spirit which recognises nothing but the prey. We were no longer an army of soldiers, but so many school-boys racing; in which length of legs, wind, and condition tell.

Captured!

The ferocious fighting continues throughout the morning and into the afternoon with horrendous consequences for both sides. As light gives way to dark, Stanley and the remnants of his exhausted unit take refuge in an abandoned Union camp to await the dawn and the continuation of the attack:

At daylight, I fell in with my Company, but there were only about fifty of the Dixies present. Almost immediately after, symptoms of the coming battle were manifest. Regiments were hurried into line, but, even to my inexperienced eyes, the troops were in ill-condition for repeating the efforts of Sunday. However, in brief time, in consequence of our pickets being driven in on us, we were moved forward in skirmishing order.

With my musket on the trail I found myself in active motion, more active than otherwise I would have been, perhaps, because Captain Smith had said, 'Now, Mr. Stanley, if you please, step briskly forward!' This singling-out of me wounded my amour-propre, and sent me forward like a rocket. In a short time, we met our opponents in the same formation as ourselves, and advancing most resolutely. We threw ourselves behind such trees as were near us, fired, loaded, and darted forward to another shelter. Presently, I found myself in an open, grassy space, with no convenient tree or stump near; but, seeing a shallow hollow some twenty paces ahead, I made a dash for it, and plied my musket with haste.

I became so absorbed with some blue figures in front of me, that I did not pay sufficient heed to my companion greys; the open space was too dangerous, perhaps, for their advance; for, had they emerged, I should have known they were pressing forward. Seeing my blues in about the same proportion, I assumed that the greys were keeping their position, and never once thought of retreat. However, as, despite our firing, the blues were coming uncomfortably near, I rose from my hollow; but, to my speechless amazement, I found myself a solitary grey, in a line of blue skirmishers! My companions had retreated! The next I heard was, 'Down with that gun, Secesh, or I'll drill a hole through you! Drop it, quick!' Half a dozen of the enemy were covering me at the same instant, and I dropped my weapon, incontinently. Two men sprang at my collar, and marched me, unresisting, into the ranks of the terrible Yankees. I was a prisoner!

William D. Stuart, 56th Virginia Infantry

The ground trembled and shook. the signiture of each cannon clearly defind with each blast that felt like a thump in the head and belly with each explosion.

The battery, in line directly to their front was commanded by Maj James C. Dearings.The Artilary men swetted as they worked hard tending to their cannon, as each one roared in tern as they recoiled violently.

The 56th Virginia is part of the 1st Corp of the Atmy of Northern Virginia. Brigader General. Richard Garnet is the Brigade commander. The Commanding Officer of the 56th is a man called William Dabney Stuart of Staunton, Virginia.The men were used to his iron personality, stern disiplin and firm leadership style. These Confederates belonged to "Stuarts Regiment".

Colonel Stuart was the only officer above the rank of captain who was at Gettysburg. He wonted to become a Brig General. His propects for promotion looked good. The fact that he is a 33year old graduate from the Virginia Military Institute and a former professor of Math and Tactics at the Institute. Moreover,he is an honorable, respectable and courageous leader.

Stuart also had good conections,being a distant cousin of J.E.B. Stuart's and a close personal freind of Stonewall Jackson.

Stuart recieved his babtism of fire at Big Bethel.He impressed a fellow officer, Captain Bricoe Baldwin, so much that he wrote a letter of commendation. He saed,"I declare himto be a gentalman and a soldier, as Lear was a King-every inch".The cannons were blasting and recoiling with each thunderus engagement of the enemy.The infantry to a man new exactly what was comming next. When the dadly silence falls as the cannon stop firing, the 56th was going to charge the centre of the Union line.They must capture it at the point of the Bayonet.

Report of Col. D. H. Hill, First North Carolina Infantry.

56th V.I.R.The 56th Virginia is part of the 1st Corp of the Atmy of Northern Virginia. Brigader General. Richard Garnet is the Brigade commander. The Commanding Officer of the 56th is a man called William Dabney Stuart of Staunton, Virginia.The men were used to his iron personality, stern disiplin and firm leadership style. These Confederates belonged to "Stuarts Regiment".

56th V.I.R. Colonel Stuart was the only officer above the rank of captain who was at Gettysburg. He wonted to become a Brig General. His propects for promotion looked good. The fact that he is a 33year old graduate from the Virginia Military Institute and a former professor of Math and Tactics at the Institute. Moreover,he is an honorable, respectable and courageous leader.

Stuart also had good conections,being a distant cousin of J.E.B. Stuart's and a close personal freind of Stonewall Jackson.

56th V.I.R. Governor John Letcher appointed Stuart as Regimental Colonal, and Stuart took command of the 56th at Camp Lee, The Richmond Camp of Instruction for Confederate recruits.Stuart had 600 civilians which he must turn into soldiers.

They came in all shapes and sizes, and uniforms, they were a motly group when they reported for duty. The talest man in E Coy was called short, however, every man detested spit and polish.Most were yong farmers in their 20's. There were also stone masons, shoemakers,clarks,tanners,wheelrightsand blacksmiths, as well as overseers.

In adition to the more ordanary folk,there was also plantation owners, merchants. doctors, Lawyers and ministers. Stuart had them drilled three times a day. He had some profesional help and expertise from the V.M.I. CADETS WHO WERE ON SPECIAL ATTACHMENT from college to teach the "hayfeet-strawfeet" how to do the manual of arms with the smothbore,.69-caliber muskets converted from flintlock to percussion.

CHAPTER 4: VIRGINIA CAVALRY UNITS

1st Virginia Cavalry, by Robert J. Driver, Jr., 1991, 268 pages, maps, roster, cost $ 25.00, H. E. Howard.

Letters of John Hamilton Ervine, 1st Va Cavalry Website

2nd Virginia Cavalry, by Robert J. Driver, Jr. and H.E. Howard, 1995, 302 pages, maps, roster, cost $ 25.00, H. E. Howard.

Company A, 2nd Virginia Cavalry, the Clay Dragoons Website

3rd Virginia Cavalry, by Thomas Nanzig, 1989, 142 pages, maps, roster, cost $ 25.00, H. E. Howard.

7th Virginia Cavalry, "Rebel Brothers: The Civil War Letters of the Truehearts," by Edward B. Williams. The Trueheart brothers, born and raised in Galveston, Texas, both joined the Confederate forces when the Civil War broke out. Charles, who entered the war as an infantryman in a company composed of University of Virginia students, eventually served as an artillerist in the First Rockbridge Artillery with the legendary "Stonewall Brigade"; and as an assistant regimental surgeon, with the 8th Alabama Infantry, with Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. He ended the war at Appomattox Court House as an assistant surgeon with the 1st Regiment Confederate Engineers.

'They Have Our Range, Move Up Closer' "FIGHTING WITH JEB STUART," The Biography of Major James Breathed, Stuart Horse Artillery Reviewed by William Connery. HYPERLINK "http://www.davidpbridges.com"FIGHTING WITH JEB STUART Major James Breathed and the Confederate Horse Artillery By David P. Bridges Breathed Bridges Best,

"They have our range, move up closer." So remembered Confederate General L.L. Lomax when asked in 1903 about his fellow officer, Major James Breathed. When under fire from Union artillerists, Breathed would often not move his own guns back, but move forward, putting himself in greater danger, but also inflicting greater casualties on the enemy. This fine biography, penned by Breathed's great-great nephew, David P. Bridges, is an excellent addition to any Civil War enthusiast's library, especially those with an interest in JEB Stuart and a specialized branch of the cavalry, the horse artillery. If the name James Breathed does not ring an immediate bell, he has lived in the shadow of the two shining stars of the Confederate cavalry, JEB Stuart and 'the Gallant Pelham,' so named by Robert E. Lee at Fredericksburg. Breathed was a quiet man, reserved in his life outside of the fire of battle, but under combat conditions, showed a coolness and passion that elicited the devotion of his men and the admiration of friend and foe alike. James Breathed was born near Berkeley Springs, Virginia (now West Virginia) in 1838, the first child of Judge John and Ann Breathed. Eight siblings followed him. By 1848 the family had moved to Maryland, to a plantation near Sharpsburg named Bai-Yuka (fountain rock). As a young man, James attended the Episcopal College of St. James, just across the road from Bai-Yuka. Most students were interested in becoming Episcopal priests-James' proclivity was in the field of medicine. Breathed attended the School of Medicine at the University of Maryland (Baltimore) and by 1860 was practicing medicine in Rushville, Missouri. A Virginian by birth and raised a Marylander, his parents persuaded him to return to Maryland. Breathed boarded the train to go back East, to offer his services to the Cause. Somewhere between Memphis and Pennsylvania, he sat next to James Ewell Brown (JEB) Stuart. They were both traveling for the same reasons, and the two men became good friends. After a short stay at Bai-Yuka, Breathed saddled his horse and rode to Martinsburg, Virginia, where on April 19, 1861, he enlisted for one year in the Berkeley Troopers of Cavalry as a private. Breathed was part of Stuart's command and distinguished himself by ably performing scouting and other duties along the Potomac River near Harpers Ferry. He was with Stuart as the Southern cavalry helped rout the Union troops at First Manassas (Bull Run). Until November 1861 Breathed was part of the regular cavalry. Then on the 18th, he received his commission as a 2nd Lieutenant, and two days later was transferred to the newly formed 'Stuart's Horse Artillery.' During the Civil War, horse artillery was usually attached to specific brigades of cavalry. A typical horse battery was equipped with four 12-pounder guns, sometimes Napoleons, sometimes 3-inch rifles. The guns were each pulled by either four or six horses, depending on the availability of horses. Each set of teamed horses had a driver on the left horse. Caissons, which held gunpowder, ammunition, fuses, and equipment for firing the pieces, were assigned one per gun. The limber chest held up to 50 rounds of ammunition. When all the limber's ammunition was expended in battle, another limber was moved to the gun to replenish its supply of projectiles. From this point Breathed's fortunes of war lay with his service within the Stuart Horse Artillery. And except for a brief period during the summer of 1864, when he was recovering from a bullet wound to the stomach, he was there for every major campaign of what would become the Army of Northern Virginia. He was with Stuart during his first 'Ride Around McClellan' as Robert E. Lee took command of the Confederate army and drove the Union forces away from Richmond in June and July of 1862. Both Stuart and Breathed learned two important lessons about positioning horse artillery in a raiding column. Breathed's guns had not fired a shot during the raid. They were usually at the end of Stuart's column. Also, 1,200 horses had made a muddy mess of the roads, almost resulting in the loss of one gun in the churned-up muck. Putting the guns closer to the front would prove more valuable for fighting effectiveness and less tiring for the horses. The author has done splendid work in having his book filled with photos, illustrations, and most important of all, maps of the important battles and skirmishes that Breathed was involved in. This makes the book more accessible to the casual Civil War reader, who may be put to sleep by tomes that go on and on concerning some arcane fact or battle. In this book we have an understandable explanation of a, so far, little known and less understood, arm of the Confederate army. By August 1862, Breathed was well schooled in the efficient use of the horse artillery. Its mobility allowed it to move about the battlefield quickly, unlimber rapidly, and engage the enemy at close range with deadly effect. One of his men recalled, "It is a fact … that the great battle of Antietam was opened on the Confederate side, early in the morning of September 17, and on the extreme left wing, by Breathed's four guns, commanded by himself and within 10 miles of where he had been reared to manhood." Breathed was with Stuart in June and July 1863, as the ill fated ride that lead them to Gettysburg took place. On February 29, 1864, Breathed's winter camp was attacked near Charlottesville, Virginia, by Union cavalry under Gen. George Custer. Though their camp was destroyed, Breathed's men could rescue their guns and drive back the Yankees. The ladies of Charlottesville rewarded them with a silk flag. When Stuart was wounded at Yellow Tavern on May 11, Breathed was there to intercept Custer's Michigan cavalrymen who were trying to capture Stuart's ambulance. JEB died of his wound the next day. At the end of June, Breathed was severely wounded, leading a charge of the 6th Virginia Cavalry. A pistol ball struck him in the abdomen and knocked him from his horse. He spent all of July and part of August on medical leave in Richmond. On July 7, Robert E. Lee penned a note to the artillerist: "I heard with great regret that you were wounded and incapacitated for active duty. I beg to tender you my sympathy, and to express the hope that the army will not be deprived of your valuable services." Breathed was outside the lines of the Army of Northern Virginia on April 9, 1865, when Lee surrendered. His friend cavalry General Thomas Munford recorded that "we turned our backs upon it and I may say that we 'never surrendered.'" Breathed made his peace with the Federal government in Winchester, Virginia, on April 24 and took the oath of allegiance to the U.S. government. From there he traveled to his sister Priscilla's house in Hancock, Maryland. She was married to Robert Bridges, a local entrepreneur, who helped Breathed set up a doctor's office in their home. Breathed probably suffered from what we now call Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. His health never fully returned and the pain of his stomach wound continually bothered him. He continued his medical practice until his death on February 14, 1870. He was just 32 years old. The cause of his death remains unknown. He had been wounded several times during the war, and the effects of those injuries, coupled with his laudanum addiction, probably fatally weakened his constitution.

CHAPTER 5: VIRGINIA ARTILLERY UNITS

Life of Brigadier General John McCausland - by James Earl Brown Volume 4, Number 4 (July 1943), pp. 239-293 EARLY LIFE Brigadier General John McCausland, famous as the savior of Lynchburg and as the alleged incendiary of Chambersburg,was born in St. Louis, September 13, 1836.His grandparents, Alexander and Elizabeth Kyle McCausland, had lived at Six Mile Cross, Tyrone County, Ireland. Alexander was the direct descendant of Colonel Robert McCausland of Fruithill, near Newton Limavidy, County Londonderry, who died in 1734. The name McCausland or McAuslane, as it was called in an early day, is not unknown in ancient Scotch and Irish history. In the days of Wallace and Bruce the McAuslanes lived on the shores of beautiful Loch Lomond in the highlands of Scotland, where they flourished and acted well their part in the bloody local wars of the times. They fought for Malcolm II, who gave them lands and a coat of arms as well. Most of the McCauslands of Tyrone and Londonderry are descended from Baron McAuslane, who with his two sons, migrated to Ireland from the parish of Luss in the latter part of the reign of King James I. The elder son of Baron McAuslane was the father of Colonel Robert McCausland who had estates in the parish of Cappagh in Tyrone County.Alexander McCausland, one of the descendants of Colonel Robert, married his cousin Elizabeth Kyle, the daughter of William Kyle who was knighted Sir William the Belt for gallantry and rewarded by land grants in Tyrone, Ireland.Because of threats of Catholic enemies, Alexander, a Protestant, sold his lands about 1800 for $1,400. He then embarked with his family for America. With his wife and eleven children he landed at Baltimore; then proceeding by wagon to Staunton, Virginia, he joined his relatives, the Kyles. One of Alexander's sons, John, married a cousin, Harriet Kyle Price, a widow who was the daughter of William Kyle and Sarah Stevens Kyle.

John McCausland became associated with the Kyles in the mercantile business. The firm had stores in Nashville, Lynchburg, and St. Louis. John moved to St. Louis where he enjoyed phenomenal success, for he gained control of the heart of the city, a section which was one day to give his son a sizable fortune. Because of his business acumen, McCausland was asked by city counselor, Truston Polk, later governor of Missouri, to devise the taxation system for St. Louis, which as commissioner of taxation he proceeded to do. To this day this system stands as a monument to his rare ability.John and Harriet McCausland had three children John, Robert, and Laura. The latter died in infancy after being dropped by her nurse; John was a high-spirited and impulsive boy with a temper that sometimes caused unfortunate incidents;Robert, who later became a doctor, was exactly the opposite. In 1843, within a month of each other, their parents died. The boys lived with their grandmother, Mrs. Alexander McCausland, until her death. Then, in 1849, their guardian uncle, Alexander McCausland, brought them on a steamboat to Henderson, (West) Virginia. Here, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha River, they lived with their widowed aunt, Mrs. Jane Smith, and her three children Elizabeth, Mary Jane, and James.

John McCausland was educated in the best elementary schools of his day in Mason County and at Buffalo Academy in Putnam County. On August 2, 1853, at the age of sixteen, he enrolled in the Virginia Military Institute at Lexington, Virginia. In 1857 he graduated in engineering at the head of his Class. For a year he studied at the University of Virginia and then in 1859 he became an assistant professor of mathematics and assistant instructor in artillery tactics at Virginia Military Institute. At the same time he studied law in Judge John W. Brockenbrough's office. For two years he taught at Virginia Military Institute. One of his colleagues on the faculty was Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson of whom he became a devoted admirer. As an indication of this devotion he gave in 1892 twenty shares of stock of a southern publishing company for a Jackson Memorial Hall to be erected on the Virginia Military Institute campus. It was while McCausland was a professor at Virginia Military Institute that John Brown made his daring raid on the arsenal at Harpers Ferry. After he had been captured by Colonel Robert E. Lee and a body of marines, Brown was tried for treason and found guilty. Fearing from published threats that an attempt might be made by Northern sympathizers to recruit him, Governor Henry A. Wise ordered Virginia troops to Charles Town to guard the prisoner until after the execution. Among them were cadets from Virginia Military Institute commanded by Colonel Francis H. Smith, the superintendent. The officers were Thomas J. Jackson and John McCausland.

THE CALL TO ARMS.

When the call to arms was sounded in 1861, McCausland immediately offered his services to Virginia but not to the Confederacy. His first assignment was the organization of a battery of artillery composed of volunteers of Rockbridge County which was to gain fame as the Rockbridge Artillery. He drilled this unit until it was ready for service, when Governor John Letcher appointed him to its command with the rank of captain. This he declined but he persuaded a young Episcopal minister, the Reverend Doctor William N. Pendleton, a graduate of Virginia Military Institute, to accept. Pendleton was a good fighter and became General Lee's well known chief of artillery. Of Pendleton and his command McCausland later said: I only saw this battery once after it left the Academy. It was at the battle of Monocacy Bridge. My command was attacking General Lew Wallace's flank and was in the midst of a furious fight when all of a sudden I heard a swish behind us. Turning, I saw the Rockbridge battery charging pell-mell into the line. They swept past us with a roar, Captain Pendleton in the lead. As he went by he shouted, "Mack, we are here." That was the only time I saw them. Governor Letcher next suggested that McCausland be made a lieutenant colonel, and General Lee, on April 29, 1861, sent him to the Great Kanawha Valley to recruit and organize troops. McCausland was to muster into the service not more than ten companies; these he was to use only in defense. Lee told him to use his best judgment in the placement of these men so as to provide the most safety for them and protection for the residents of the Valley. As soon as possible arms and field pieces would be sent to make the Confederate position secure.

In raising these troops McCausland had to rely on the draft, for which he was criticized. He organized the Thirty-sixth Regiment of Virginia Infantry, and later became its colonel. Some of the best blood of western Virginia counties was in this regiment. It was composed of soldiers, once they were trained, who were ever ready to follow, no matter what the dangers were, if McCausland led the way. To his men he was best known as "Tiger John."21 May 3, 1861, Colonel Christopher Q. Tompkins took command of McCausland's forces,but to McCausland fell the task of whipping the men into shape for active duty. May 16, 1861, he wrote from Buffalo to Colonel Francis H. Smith of Virginia Military Institute for help, saying that he needed troops, supplies, and drillmasters to prepare the men for the warm work ahead. Of the suggestion of an Ohio paper that his troops should be captured as Missouri troops were, McCausland declared, "They can't take us alive."23 On June 28, 1861, McCausland again wrote to Colonel Smith. This time he gave a picture of the recruits sent to him and of future plans. He said his men, though ill-clad and undisciplined, were being formed into an effective regiment to make an attack into Ohio across from Point Pleasant. He also mentioned the fact that General Henry A. Wise, ex-governor of Virginia, was having difficulty in raising troops in this region and had "only 300 in his Legion." Earlier Wise had been appointed brigadier general and authorized to raise a command, later known as "Wise's Legion." Wise was popular with the people of northwest Virginia and was expected to increase volunteering. But, according to McCausland, Wise had his troubles. In time, however, he succeeded in enlisting 2,705 men in the Great Kanawha Valley region. In all of this period there was fear of an attack in the Kanawha Valley.

Federal troops were stationed at Gallipolis, Ohio, to watch developments there and elsewhere along the border. All the while McCausland drilled his troops and prepared. On July 3, he wrote Colonel Smith, asking him for badly needed cartridges and powder.The expected attack came on July 17, 1861, when a force under General Jacob D. Cox met a detachment of Wise's command at Scary on the Great Kanawha about fifteen miles west of Charleston. McCausland helped drive Cox back to the Pocotaligo Later, on July 24, Wise fell back to Charleston before a superior Union force. McClellan's advance to Cheat Mountain frightened the South and Wise, acting under discretionary orders, abandoned Charleston and retreated up the Kanawha. July 27, he left Gauley Bridge, burning the bridge over Gauley River, and after a march of over 100 miles reached Lewisburg on the last day of the month. He pitched his camp at Burger's Mill.

This Federal success was important, as it gave them control of the mines, blast furnaces, foundries, the saltworks, and the navigable waters of the Ohio; petroleum wells of the Little Kanawha; and camps of observation far into Virginia, from which raiding parties were constantly working. The Confederates were unable to recruit more troops in this section, but they had to watch the Federals constantly. John B. Floyd, an ex-secretary of war and ex-governor, was also in southwest Virginia and, after Wise's retreat, was ordered to move to the region of Lewisburg and take command of the two armies. Floyd and Wise clashed over policy and created a critical situation. Floyd asked Wise to detail McCausland to his command, which request was granted on August 15, 1861. After some delay Floyd and McCausland left White Sulphur for Carnifex Ferry on August 22, 1861. At this time McCausland's command was torn by desertion and furlough. His men were also barefoot, without clothing, and sick with measles. August 26, Floyd achieved a victory over Colonel Erastus B. Tyler at Cross Lanes, Nicholas County, where he took one hundred prisoners and killed fifty Federals. In that engagement he had the aid of Generals Augustus A. Chapman and Alfred Beckley, as well as McCausland and Colonel Christopher Q. Tompkins. Fearing an attack from General William S. Rosecrans and waiting for reenforcements from Wise, Floyd remained inactive at Carnifex Ferry. From Summersville, September 8, McCausland informed Floyd that the Federals, led by Rosecrans, were advancing from Sutton. Already they were at Powell's Mountain with approximately 6,000 men. On September 9, the enemy moved forward and the next day met Floyd's army at Carnifex Ferry. After a spirited battle of four hours neither side was victorious. Floyd, however, recrossed the Gauley and moved to Dogwood Gap the ensuing night.

When Lee, after his defeat at Cheat Mountain on September 12, took command of the Confederate forces in the Kanawha region, Wise was at Little Sewell Mountain. The latter had urged Floyd, his superior, to leave Meadow Bluff and join him, but this Floyd refused to do. Finally Lee, in order to please Wise, even though he agreed with Floyd that Meadow Bluff, Greenbrier County, was the place to meet the enemy, ordered Floyd to Little Sewell Mountain opposite Big Sewell Mountain where the Federals under Generals Jacob D. Cox and Rosecrans were encamped. On October 5, however, the Union forces retired from their precarious position and fell back to the Hawk's Nest about mid-October.38 Lee then went to Staunton and left Floyd with 2,000 men to follow the Federals to Fayetteville and thence to nearby Cotton Hill. On November 1, Floyd attacked Rosecrans at Gauley, but without success. He then took position on Cotton Hill. By November 6, Floyd's staff, which included McCausland, began to feel that its position on Cotton Hill was unsafe and submitted a petition to Floyd asking him to move to one of the following places: Newbern, Dublin, the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, or to a more active field of operation. Floyd said he would have to wait orders from the War Department before he could move.

On November 10, he was attacked by Colonel Charles A. Devilliers and retreated to Loop Mountain and on November 14, he feel back to Piney Creek. When Floyd was ordered to Dublin Depot in December, the guards left at Meadow Bluff were on December 15 attacked and scattered by Colonel George Crook. Shortly after this Floyd and his army were attached to the army of General Albert Sidney Johnston at Bowling Green, Kentucky. McCausland and his command went with him.

FORT DONELSON AND WESTERN VIRGINIA, 1862 Floyd was stationed in February 1862, at Fort Donelson where, as a part of General Albert Sidney Johnston's command, his force met a severe setback at the hands of Ulysses S. Grant. February 13, Floyd ordered McCausland from Cumberland City, where he had been in quarters, to Fort Donelson, which was being attacked by the Federals. He arrived at daylight, and was at once ordered into the trenches,44 where he supported Captain Henry Green's battery on the left wing. He was under fire all day. February 14, there was continued skirmishing with artillery and musketry. Then, the gunboats began a bombardment, but McCausland's brigade received no injuries. During the night the Confederates threw up a good earthwork in front of their battery, to repulse the attacks of the enemy. About midnight, McCausland received orders to concentrate his brigade near the left wing and at daylight on the morning of the 15th, this column, under General Gideon J. Pillow, sallied from the left and engaged General John A. McClernand. McCausland's brigade was a reserve for that of Colonel William E. Baldwin, but when the enemy pressed to his right, McCausland at once moved to Baldwin's support and engaged the enemy in thick undergrowth and in a rough and rolling country. When his firing had checked McClernand, McCausland ordered a charge that routed the enemy for two miles and he halted only at the order of General Pillow. As planned, the entire besieged army could have escaped through this opening in the Union lines, but General Pillow intervened and caused Floyd to change the orders. The Thirty-sixth Virginia under command of McCausland lost fourteen killed and forty-six wounded. It captured one field gun and 200 Enfield rifles. McCausland said his men behaved gallantly. Of this engagement General Pillow commended McCausland for his gallantry. Colonel Baldwin said: "I cannot forbear to mention that Colonel McCausland, not assigned to my command, voluntarily tendered his cooperation and was conspicuous for his daring intrepidity."Regardless of McCausland's bravery and that of others, Fort Donelson was unable to withstand the relentless counter attack of Grant and, though Pillow objected, Floyd decided to accept Grant's "unconditional surrender" terms. He then turned his command over to Pillow who refused it, thus giving to General Simon B. Buckner the unpleasant duty of surrender.Because of his record in Buchanan's cabinet Floyd was regarded generally in the North as a thief and an aggravated traitor. Threats were common that he should hang, if he fell into the hands of the Union army. From the extensive circulation of northern newspapers in the South, Floyd must have been aware of this, for in the conference with his generals discussing the surrender he said: "We will have to capitulate; but, gentlemen, you know my position with the Federals; it wouldn't do; it wouldn't do."Sunday, February 16, two small steamers, arriving at the fort about daybreak, furnished Floyd and about 1,500 of his troops, McCausland included, a means of escape. Pillow crossed the river in a skiff; Colonel Nathan B. Forrest took 500 of his cavalry, and a number of men from the infantry and artillery regiments, mounted on artillery horses, over the road which was submerged by the overflow of the Cumberland.Because of the surrender, President Jefferson Davis was greatly displeased and relieved Floyd and Pillow of their commands. Davis then tried to determine why information had not been given as to the insufficiency of the garrison; why they had not evacuated the post sooner; why they had abandoned the command; how they escaped; and why certain troops were selected to escape.Floyd's answer to Davis's inquiries may be summarized as follows: First, the enemy had 119 regiments. Many Confederate leaders realized the futility of trying to defeat the Union forces at this time. Floyd had told his superior officers that Fort Donelson was a dangerous place to concentrate, even with 20,000 men. Second, the men were not in condition -- they had fought eighty-four hours constantly and were exhausted. They could have tried to escape by cutting their way through, and lost three-fourths of their men, or marched through water three-feet deep, which the medical officer advised against, thus losing one-half of the command. Third, he did not believe in surrendering the "entire army." His was the dangerous job of taking those who could go. Those who remained were safe. Fourth, a senior officer has a right to choose any troops for any movement. However, his troops were nearest the boats, and so they were first. No one was excluded because he belonged to another regiment. Of the 13,829 that surrendered, three of the companies were his own -- French's, Guy's, and Jackson's. Five thousand were able to escape, where otherwise the whole force would have had to surrender.

When asked his opinion regarding the necessity for the surrender, McCausland said: "I do not think it would have been possible for our troops to have cut their way through the enemy lines. An attempt would certainly have resulted in the loss of one-half of our entire army, including the whole baggage, army supplies, and artillery."They had their questionable opportunity to escape on the 14th when McClernand was routed. After that any effort would have been foolhardy. At least, that was the consensus of opinion of the staff. For his part in Fort Donelson, McCausland suffered later by being denied promotions as fast as he or his men expected them. Some said that President Davis was resentful that certain Mississippi troops were surrendered. Major William N. Brown claimed that his Mississippi regiment could have escaped and was not permitted to do so. This was denied by Floyd. From Fort Donelson General Floyd and those who escaped with him went to Murfreesboro. From there McCausland marched his troops to Nashville, where he re-organized them and moved to Chattanooga. Here he remained until after the battle of Shiloh. He then went back to Wytheville, Virginia, where on April 9, 1862, he received orders from Richmond to take the Thirty-sixth to Lewisburg and report to General Henry Heth.

On the night of May 9, 1862, McCausland and Colonel Walter H. Jenifer drove General Jacob D. Cox out of Pearisburg, Giles County, where the Union army held the New River Narrows. Within a few miles of Pearisburg the pickets fired upon the Confederate advance which was a signal for them to storm the place. In face of the enemy lodged on a hill, the spirit and fire of the Confederates seemed to know no bounds. McCausland drove Cox through the town and pursued him seven miles. By this victory the Confederate army regained control of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, made necessary by the previous abandonment of the Virginia Railroad.Of McCausland's part in the Pearisburg victory General Heth said: "I never witnessed better or more determined fighting. It is with some hesitation, where all did so well, that I mention names. To Colonels Jenifer and McCausland my special thanks are due and they deserve the approbation of the department."May 16, Heth again attacked Cox, this time on Flat Top Mountain in present West Virginia, and Cox retreated. Heth then marched against Lewisburg which was held by Colonel George Crook. But the attack which was made May 23 failed, and Heth retired to the Narrows. During June, July, and August 1862, only a few minor skirmishes occurred. It was at this time that the friends of McCausland were trying to have him made a brigadier general. On this subject J. G. Newman, who had been selected by McCausland's friends, wrote on June 25, 1862, to General Francis H. Smith, Superintendent of Virginia Military Institute. Newman asked General Smith, who knew McCausland well for a recommendation to send to President Jefferson Davis. Among other things, Newman said: Colonel McCausland will be recommended by petitions from the officers of the Twenty-Sixth Regiment; also by a number of members of Congress and judges; I served as Captain of a company in Colonel McCausland's regiment for one year, and can say that he was always with his regiment and won distinction in every battle he was in. He is a man of temperate habits, fine sense, cool courage, and has one of the best disciplined and most efficient regiments in the service.

McCausland knew about this effort and wrote to General Smith, saying: "Some of my friends are trying for my promotion and as you were kind enough to write a letter of recommendation for me some time ago I am induced to ask you to write another. Please send it to Honorable James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, Virginia."McCausland was, however, doing more than trying to get promoted. Among other things, he was thinking of his men, as well as himself. For example, a private, Alexander Robinson, was captured July 13, 1862, at Meadow Bluff, Greenbrier County, by the Federals and shot because, as they said, "he hadn't surrendered the day before when he was firing at them." McCausland had the matter investigated. He wrote Colonel George Crook, and Crook promised to see that those guilty were punished. In this same part of July 1862, Floyd was stirring up dissension in western Virginia. Brigadier General Heth said he was working against the Confederate army because of disappointment and was trying to break it down in southwestern Virginia by his opposition to the conscript law. When McCausland was attached to Heth, he accused Floyd of trying to prevent men reenlisting under Heth's command. With Lee successful against Pope on the Rappahannock, Cox was sent to Washington and Colonel Joseph A. J. Lightburn was put in command of the Federal forces in the Kanawha Valley; those around Moorefield and Franklin had previous withdrawn. Therefore, Lee ordered General William W. Loring from the Narrows "to clear the Valley of the Kanawha and then operate northwardly so as to join me in the Valley of Virginia."To help Loring in the execution of this order, General Albert G. Jenkins made his famous raid of 1862. Setting out from Salt Sulphur Springs, Monroe County, at the head of the Eighth Virginia Cavalry of 550 men, he marched through Greenbrier, Pocahontas, Randolph, Upshur, Lewis, Gilmer, Calhoun, Roane, and Jackson counties to the Ohio River which he crossed at Ravenswood. Avoiding Federals at the mouth of the Kanawha, he rejoined his command by keeping to the south of the Kanawha River. All told, he covered a distance of more than 500 miles. Among his reprisals were 300 prisoners, 5,000 stands of arms taken on August 30, at Buckhannon, and $5,525 taken from a Federal paymaster at Ripley, Jackson County.The way thus cleared, Loring, with four brigades of cavalry and artillery (McCausland commanding the fourth) moved on Fayetteville, September 10, and defeated General Lightburn, who was driven to Montgomery Ferry.In the attack near Montgomery, McCausland was placed at the front. Later he was sent across the Kanawha River in pursuit of the enemy.

As the Federals crossed at Montgomery, they set fire to the ferry in an attempt to prevent the Confederates from crossing. Four of them, Dr. Joseph F. Watkins, Lieutenant Alexander H. Samuels, W. H. Harmon, and Allen Thompson swam across the river in face of gun-fire, seized the ferry, brought it back, and put out the flames with water from their hats. General John Echols's, McCausland's and Colonel George S. Patton's brigades then crossed the river, took the camp which the Federals had abandoned, and resumed the pursuit. At Elk River, near Charleston, the suspension bridge having been burned by the retreating Federals, McCausland forded that stream about two miles above the town. Upon his arrival at the ford, it was found impossible to cross with infantry and artillery. Accordingly, he ordered the cavalry to cross and move down the opposite shore and then move to his extreme left, where his men collected boats and were ready to cross, when nightfall put an end to the conflict. Early the next morning they crossed and came to the enemy's camp. By that time the Federals were retreating down the Kanawha but they had to alter their course as Jenkins came down Coal river, struck their flank, and compelled them to go by Ravenswood to Point Pleasant, thence into Ohio.

In this campaign, September 10-16, involving a mountain march of 169 miles from Giles Court House, the Confederates lost eighteen killed and eighty-nine wounded. Lightburn reported a loss of twenty-five killed, ninety-five wounded, and 190 missing. Though he seized considerable booty, Lightburn was compelled to abandon immense stores, worth about one million dollars, and did not have time to destroy the important salt works. The Confederate forces were now in command of the Kanawha Valley. Of the leaders in the campaign General Loring said: "To Generals [John] Williams and Echols, Colonels [Gabriel C.?] Wharton and McCausland, who were commanding brigades, I take pleasure in according the praise which they deserve for their efficient services and cordial execution of my commands."Of McCausland's part in the skirmish before Fayette Court House, General Williams said: "McCausland, with the Thirty-Sixth, in gallant style, occupied a house and some stumps of trees from which the enemy had greatly annoyed us."Lee wanted Loring to leave the Kanawha Valley to go to Winchester and leave a force under Floyd to hold what they gained. Meanwhile, Loring was to have destroyed military depots at Clarksburg and Grafton, and captured important Union men and sent them to Richmond. Loring replied that he was starting on October 7, by way of Lewisburg and Monterey. He sent out expeditions but finally decided to hold the Kanawha Valley. Because of Loring's ineptitude General John Echols was on October 15, appointed his successor. Under his leadership the army started back to Charleston on October 17.

Later, the Union armies were reenforced and Echols was driven back to Raleigh and thence to the Lewisburg-Princeton Line. As the Federals still had control of Beverly in the north and thus recovered the central Kanawha Valley region, the situation at the end of 1862 was about the same as at the end of 1861. November 28, 1862, McCausland was stationed at Princeton. In December he was transferred to General Sam Jones, who was protecting the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and the saltworks in Wythe and Smyth counties. As West Virginia was to be admitted to separate statehood, Jones felt the Federals would attack in the spring. Therefore, he asked for troops to meet them.

SOUTHWEST VIRGINIA, 1863 January 2, 1863, McCausland, while at Princeton, was warned that the enemy was in strong force at Pound Gap, Virginia, and to be ready to move to the Narrows if necessary.He expected an attack on the saltworks at Saltville, Smyth County, which were quite essential to the Confederate cause, but this attack was not made.78 He was therefore rather inactive during January and February. He had given up hope of promotion to a brigadier generalship. March 11, 1863, he wrote to General Francis H. Smith, of Virginia Military Institute, concerning this, saying: My friends assure me that it is not from want of inclination -- but rather the want of an opportunity that the appointment has not been made. Colonel Gabriel C. Wharton's claims have also been urged and the department is disinclined to choose between us. As far as I am concerned, I have waived any claim that I may have in Wharton's favor. After the treatment that I received last summer from the department I cannot expect any promotion.The ill treatment referred to was President Davis's rebuke of General Floyd and his men for the manner of their escape at Fort Donelson, where, as has been see, certain Confederate troops surrendered. Because of this official reproof, McCausland's promotion was not forthcoming. He was forced to wait a year, until he had clearly shown his great qualities of leadership at the battle of Cloyd Mountain. In March 1863, General Albert G. Jenkins made an infantry raid into the Kanawha Valley in search of supplies to harass the enemy. In support of this movement McCausland attacked Fayetteville. His purpose was not primarily to seize Fayetteville but to make it uncomfortable for the Federals and, if possible, to make them fall back to Charleston. He hoped thus to cut up the enemy's troops and capture needed salt supplies. McCausland and his men were expected to insure the success of Jenkins's expedition,for General Sam Jones, who was in charge of the Dublin Depot region, placed much reliance on McCausland's coolness and good judgment in the execution of orders. In his move against Fayetteville McCausland was instructed not to carry many supplies. Instead, he was to have them brought up, if necessary, or to use any that he might capture from the enemy at Fayetteville. If he failed, he was to retreat to Piney, near Raleigh Court House. Whatever he did, he was not to have his troops cut up in trying to take or hold Fayetteville. It was not worth the sacrifice as it could not be held at that time.81 As a diversion, the Federals attacked Lewisburg on May 2, and threatened the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad at the Narrows. McCausland sent Thurmond's companies to help Echols hold the railroad and thus weakened his own force.May 13, Brigadier General John D. Imboden, returning from the famous Jones-Imboden raid in present West Virginia, reached Lewisburg where a Federal force expected to cut him off. To do this the Federals would have to send troops from Fayetteville and thus weaken themselves there. If such were the case, McCausland was to attack Fayetteville. However, his main objective was to keep the Federals from attacking Imboden. If possible, he was to capture Fayetteville and Imboden was to help him. With three regiments and one cavalry battalion, McCausland on May 19, without help from Imboden, attacked Fayetteville, which was then held by Colonel Charles Bramon White. The attack continued until noon May 20, but when White was reenforced by three regiments, McCausland withdrew to Raleigh Court House and then to Piney. Of his attack at Fayetteville General Sam Jones on May 29 wrote: "I am highly pleased with your management of the demonstration on Fayetteville."Having been forced from his position at Piney, near Raleigh Court House, by a superior force of the enemy under General Eliakim P. Scammon, McCausland retired in July to Flat Top Mountain. Finding that the enemy did not follow him with their main body and was endeavoring to pass in his rear with a large cavalry force, he continued the retreat to Mercer Court House, where he learned that enemy cavalry had passed through Abb's Valley, Tazewell County. At once he sent cavalry to intercept them and infantry to block the roads, but before these movements could be executed the enemy had retreated in the direction of Wytheville, Wythe County. Confederate cavalry pursued until they met with Major Andrew J. May of General John Williams's command, who stopped the chase.On the morning of the 19th, McCausland moved with a part of his infantry, cavalry, and artillery through Rocky Gap, Bland County, in the direction of Wytheville. He halted the infantry and artillery at the Gap and continued with the cavalry, but, on reaching Bland Court House, he found that the enemy had retired toward Tazewell County. At no time had he come in McCausland's direction or passed the mountain at any of the crossings guarded by his forces. Scammon had passed beyond him. As soon as he found he could not come up with the enemy, McCausland stopped at Rocky Gap and remained there. On the morning of the 19th, he also sent a sufficient garrison to guard the Narrows.Of this lost opportunity to capture Scammon's forces McCausland says: I am sure that some one is to blame for the escape of the enemy. I am also of the opinion that the cavalry force that was in Tazewell, under General Williams and Major May, was sufficient to have captured the enemy if it had been properly managed. If the gap at Crabtree had been occupied by Major May, or had he permitted Captain H. Bowen to have occupied it (which he would have done) the enemy could have been driven upon me at Rocky Gap and they could not have escaped. Again, if General Williams had moved with the celerity that the occasion required, and attacked the enemy in force, instead of skirmishing with his rear, he would have defeated them, and taken or scattered most of them. I never could come up with them with my infantry, and those commanding the cavalry failed because they did not charge the enemy with their whole force when they did overtake them.Captain H. Bowen gave strength to McCausland's criticism by saying: "If they (General Williams and Major May had any means of ascertaining the roads which the enemy intended to come, the troops could have been posted so as to make them surrender or abandon the idea of passing through Abb's Valley."On the other hand his men were loyal to General Williams and attributed his failure to his command which consisted of new recruits, numbering only one-fourth as many as the enemy.

During August, September, and October 1863, McCausland was guarding the railroad near New River Bridge, where he expected an attack of 600 or 700 Federals from Wyoming County. He was cautioned repeatedly to help guard the Princeton-Lewisburg Line and, if necessary, to fall back and help protect the saltworks at Saltville. If he could, he was to hold the Narrows, Giles County, and Rocky Gap, Bland County. Conditions became so serious that the Sixteenth Virginia was taken from McCausland and sent to Saltville. This left him only a regiment each of infantry and cavalry.It was reported that General Scammon had gone to Washington, but McCausland later learned this was false. Scammon was still at Lewisburg, and his movements were carefully guarded.As the situation around the Narrows was not serious, McCausland on November 29 left a guard there and moved to Lewisburg, where he helped General John Echols retard General William W. Averell with over 3,000 men in his retreat after the "Big Salem Raid." On December 13, McCausland joined Echols at Pickaway Plains, Monroe County, and on the 18th they met Averell in a slight engagement at Sweet Springs. By December 21, General Sam Jones had assumed command of the Confederate forces, consisting of McCausland, Echols, General John D. Imboden and Colonel William L. Jackson, in this attempt to halt Averell. They trailed him to White Sulphur Springs but did not prevent his reaching Beverly on Christmas Eve. Though he lost 119 men in this stroke, Averell destroyed a long stretch of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad near Salem.

THE BATTLE OF CLOYD MOUNTAIN In March 1864, General John C. Breckenridge replaced General Sam Jones as commander of the Dublin Depot region. Breckenridge's force at this time included General John Echols in Greenbrier and Monroe counties; General Albert G. Jenkins at Callaghan's Station and Dublin, Pulaski County; Colonel William L. Jackson at Covington, Alleghany County; Colonel Gabriel C. Wharton at the Narrows, Giles County; Generals William E. Jones and John Morgan at Saltville, Smyth County, and McCausland at Princeton, Mercer County,94 where he had been since January preparing for the spring campaign. McCausland had 1,145 men, all enlisted for the duration of the war.95 By April, it was obvious that the Union armies were planning two major offensives in this region -- one up the Shenandoah Valley to Staunton to be led by General Franz Sigel and another across the mountains from the Kanawha commanded by General George Crook.96 Crook was to destroy the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and to seize the saltworks at Saltville in Smyth County. For this purpose Crook had, after he had been joined by General William W. Averell, according to reports from scouts from Charleston, nine infantry and seven cavalry regiments. He had also fifteen pieces of artillery.

These operations were of alarming significance to the Confederates as they were low in breadstuffs and forage; their military roads were not yet completed; then, too, the Shenandoah Valley had been stripped of troops to reenforce Lee in the Wilderness.Breckenridge proposed, however, to halt Sigel at Staunton with the aid of Wharton and Imboden. Jenkins, who was at Dublin, and McCausland, who was at Princeton, were to impede Crook, so as to prevent his junction with Sigel.As Crook, with fourteen regiments, moved up from Fayetteville to Princeton, after making a feint as though going to Lewisburg, McCausland fell back to Dublin. Because of lack of transportation, his tools and tents and these had been captured from Federal forces were left behind. These Crook destroyed.While waiting at Dublin for cars to move his troops, McCausland was joined by Jenkins who informed him that they were to stop Crook, then encamped about eight miles distant. For that purpose they immediately moved to the Joseph Cloyd farm, not far from Crook's camp, where they selected a favorable location at the base of Cloyd Mountain. The spot chosen was one that made retreat easy, if necessary.

On the morning of May 9, Crook advanced upon Jenkins and McCausland but was repulsed. In a second assault Jenkins received a mortal wound which, when complicated with pneumonia, caused his death twelve days later. When Jenkins was removed from the conflict McCausland assumed command. He reformed his lines as he withdrew to Dublin and New River Bridge.He was reenforced at the bridge by 500 men under Colonel D. Howard Smith and there prepared a new defense.On the morning of May 10, 1864, McCausland drew up his troops, placed sharpshooters along the bank of the New River, and pointed his artillery toward the bridge. Then was fought an artillery duel of four hours, which ended only when McCausland's ammunition supply ran out. He retreated and Crook burned the bridge. Crook had intended to move on Salem, but, when he saw that McCausland had moved to Big Hill and blocked his path, he moved to Blacksburg. Colonels William H. French and William L. Jackson, actin under orders from McCausland, then drove Crook from Blacksburg to Newport, where he gave them battle. Though he defeated them, he withdrew over Salt Pond Mountain, Giles County, leaving many wagons, harnesses, horseshoes, ambulances, and horse-collars. During the latter part of this campaign there was a severe storm that slowed Crook down and caused him great difficulty in getting over Salt Pond Mountain.

Averell had meanwhile tried to reach Saltville to destroy the saltworks but he was turned back at Wytheville by General John Morgan. Averell then attempted to join Crook but was prevented from doing this by French and Jackson who drove him into the mountains. After much delay he joined Crook. McCausland hoped to aid French and Jackson at Newport in their effort to cut Averell off, but because of swollen streams, he arrived too late. He then returned to Christiansburg where he rested, got supplies, and reorganized his command, which now included Jenkins's force. The fight at Cloyd Mountain was made under great disadvantages to the Confederates and, considering their numbers and losses, it was a remarkable battle. The Federals had 7,500 men to the Confederates 2,300. The Federal loss was nearly 1,000 killed, wounded, captured, and missing. The Confederate loss was a heavy one 538 in killed, wounded, captured, and missing. But it was a sacrifice the Confederates could well afford to make. It kept Crook from destroying the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad. McCausland said of the Union offensive: In this campaign Crook really accomplished nothing commensurate with his preparations. He took off a few guns and burned New River Bridge but his object was to get to Salem and be joined there by Hunter and Sigel in which he was frustrated by the fight at Cloyd's farm and the defeat of Sigel by Breckenridge at or near New Market. We succeeded in getting Crook away from the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad which was of vital importance in transporting supplies from Southwestern Virginia.

At the battle of Cloyd Mountain and the engagement following it, McCausland showed ability. For years he had been trying to gain a promotion and his friends had tried to obtain it for him. At Cloyd Mountain his deeds spoke for him. Moreover, James A. Seddon, the Confederate Secretary of War, said McCausland's official report of the Cloyd Mountain Campaign was "clear and unpretending." The conservative President, Jefferson Davis, described it as "satisfactory." McCausland was on May 24, made a brigadier general.

THE LYNCHBURG CAMPAIGN, 1864 After the Union armies had been repulsed in their Salem raid, General Franz Sigel was superseded by General David Hunter who was instructed to keep the Confederate Shenandoah Valley armies busy, so as to prevent them from aiding Lee. Hunter was expected to live off the country as much as possible by foraging widely.To foil Hunter, General William E. Jones on May 26, took his troops by rail to Staunton. McCausland was then at Union, West Virginia, with a reorganized force of 1,000 cavalry and 300 infantry. Jones directed McCausland to watch and prevent Crook and Averell from reenforcing Hunter. For this purpose McCausland moved by way of Sweet Springs to the vicinity of Covington and thence to Panther Gap, near Goshen, Rockbridge County. There his force stood athwart Crook's line of march, but he was unable to dispute with any success the passage of the Federals through Panther Gap. Although he delayed the enemy a whole day, Crook pressed on and destroyed the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.Next day McCausland took position in Buffalo Gap, Augusta County, reenforced by Colonel William L. Jackson, who had been at Covington. While here, McCausland learned of Hunter's victory at Piedmont on June 5, of Jones's death in that engagement, of the capture of 1,500 of his men, and of the retreat of the Confederates to Waynesboro. McCausland immediately sent Jackson to aid them. When Crook came up in front of Buffalo Gap and Turned off to pass North Mountain by Pond Gap, McCausland passed up the foot of the mountain to Middlebrook and went into camp. There he remained guarding the approaches of the Upper Valley until Hunter, who was then at Staunton with the combined forces of Crook and Averell, commence his movement toward Lexington and Lynchburg.

Hunter's army, totaling about 15,000 men, started toward Lexington by three parallel columns, one by the main road, one by the Middlebrook-Brownsburg Road, and the other, the cavalry, by the road that follows the base of North Mountain. McCausland kept his main force on the road through Brownsburg. At this place, Crook attacked viciously, but by hard fighting and skillful marching McCausland kept Crook in his front. McCausland, however, gradually fell back until he came on June 11 to the vicinity of Lexington and, after destroying the bridge across North River by first filling it was hay and saturating it with turpentine, he took position along its banks on the cliffs commanding the approaches to the crossing.Hunter attempted to throw a pontoon bridge across the pool of water formed by the canal and Jordan's Mill Dam, but McCausland's men killed the pontooniers and drove off their supports. Hunter then placed his artillery in position on the high ground and commenced to batter down the walls of Virginia Military Institute, the "Hornet's Nest," located on a hill in the rear of McCausland's position. After remaining there most of the day, firing his artillery at a vacant building, and throwing shells into Lexington, Hunter moved a column of infantry and Averell's cavalry up North River, crossed the ford at Leyburn's Mill, and drove off the single regiment of defenders. By this time McCausland knew that it was beyond his power to save from the vengeance of Hunter the Virginia Military Institute. This wanton destruction grieved McCausland for he was attached to the Institute with the devotion peculiar to its graduates. After crossing the river and moving on the Confederate rear, Hunter left the river bank and headed his column toward Buchanan. He remained, however, at Lexington a day or more to get his trains and artillery over North River. It was during this interval that he destroyed the Military Institute along with the entire state library of rare and valuable books, plundered Washington College, and burned the residence of former Governor John Letcher over the heads of his wife and his children. As a Confederate writer declared, he did "everything that a monster could do to degrade and exasperate the citizens." As is well known, Hunter penetrated Virginia as far south as Lynchburg. McCausland was in Lexington a short time after Hunter retreated from that point and heard people of all stations inform him that their homes had been plundered and their property uselessly destroyed. Some of them stated that they had applied in person to Hunter for protection against the soldiers and that he drove them off with abuse and refused to do anything to protect them or their property. Some of these were Union people.

Captain Matthew White joined McCausland's army in the defense of Lexington, and then returned to his home outside the city. Because of his part in the campaign, Federals shot White as a bushwhacker.Hunter had left Lexington for Buchanan by the main road and McCausland continued in his front destroying every bridge and culvert, and obstructing his line of march in every possible way. McCausland besides showed fight at every turn, sometimes causing Averell to form long lines of cavalry or bring up infantry supports only to find that in the meantime McCausland had moved away to repeat his tactics at some other point. Thus he continued until the Federals approached Buchanan where the James River and Kanawha Canal were spanned by a covered bridge. McCausland passed the river on this structure, then destroyed it. He described the incident in these words: It was filled by my orders on the sides with straw and this was saturated with oil and as soon as the rear guard passed at a gallop, I fired it with my own hands at the end next to the enemy and then crossed the river under the burning bridge, in a skiff, that I saw there. The troops, as fast as they filed through the lone bridge, were formed on the south bank of the river by officers of my staff that were stationed there for that purpose.Averell then pressed McCausland's rear guard and pushed for the bridge, but he was checked by Confederate fire. The oil and straw soon caused the entire structure to be consumed and the residue fell into the river. Thus, Hunter's march was stopped at this point. He said that the people of Buchanan objected to the burning of the bridge as unnecessary even from a military standpoint but "McCausland, with his characteristic recklessness, persisted."What Hunter failed to mention was the fact that this daring act detained him at this point three days when time was exceedingly valuable. While Hunter remained in Buchanan getting his trains over, McCausland had crossed the bridge by the Peaks of Otter Road and was encamped on Goose Creek, in Bedford County, five miles from Liberty, where he watched Hunter's movements. While in Buchanan, Hunter's headquarters were the residence of a Mrs. Anderson. When he left he burned the house which contained many valuable things, such as silverware, paintings, and family relics that could not be replaced. The ladies were left without even the bare necessities of life. The iron furnaces near Buchanan were burned and the Federal soldiers roamed over that neighborhood without restraint. No respect was paid to persons or property. A certain David Creigh who had shot a soldier for attempting to enter his house and insult his family was hanged at Hunter's orders. Crook and Averell remonstrated with him against this severe penalty, but in vain.McCausland was perhaps later to think of this incident on a hot July day in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Hunter crossed the Blue Ridge by the Peaks of Otter Road and went into the Otter Valley near Liberty, Bedford County. With Hunter close upon his heels, McCausland proceeded towards Lynchburg by the main road after being reinforced by General John D. Imboden with 400 men. Crook approached by the Forest Depot Road.

McCausland burned the bridge across the Otter and again delayed the Federal trains and artillery, so that Hunter did not appear in front of Lynchburg until June 17. Because of McCausland's wary tactics, it took Hunter ten days to go from Staunton to Lynchburg. Unmolested, Averell could have traversed this distance with his cavalry in two days. On this point McCausland later commented: It has always been a mystery to me why Averell did not press on with his cavalry. He certainly outnumbered my cavalry three to one. 'Tis true he was in a hostile country and I was on ground, every locality of which was familiar to me; also the citizens were unfriendly and gave him either no information at all or else deceived him by telling him what was not true. This was done in some localities at my suggestion. When Hunter left Staunton for Lynchburg, McCausland estimated Hunter's force at 15,000 men, including 3,000 cavalry. Every day of his march McCausland sent dispatches to Richmond informing General Robert E. Lee, Governor William Smith, and President Jefferson Davis of Hunter's march, his strength, and his objective. At first they did not believe the situation was as serious as McCausland depicted, but when the reports kept coming and each day brought Hunter nearer Lynchburg, Lee finally sent General Jubal A. Early to meet him. With a force of 20,000 men that had been dispatched from other fields, Early prepared his defenses just outside of Lynchburg. June 17, Averell and Crook drove the Confederates back into Lynchburg. When Hunter came up with his forces that night he made preparations for a strong attack next day. Early the 18th the two armies met. The first attack lasted all forenoon, but neither side could prevail. About noon a Confederate division under General John C. Breckenridge made a surprise attack that almost routed Hunter. However, he reformed his lines and held firm. But it was soon apparent that his situation was becoming precarious and to avoid disaster he decided to retire. His retreat soon developed into flight.

Of this operation in the Valley before Lynchburg, McCausland said: I have always felt proud of my efforts as a soldier in this Lynchburg campaign and believe that the people of the valley appreciated my opposition to Hunter. I think that I did as much with the limited means at my command as anyone else could have done. I had 1,000 men and 300 dismounted and some small guns to meet and delay this vast army. I did it and moreover secured a sufficient garrison for the place by the time it was attacked. There were no regular fights or battles. I did not have a man killed. Several were wounded but not seriously. There was some straggling but it was mostly confined to men that lived in the counties through which we were passing. They would go home to remove their stock to the mountains and to see if anything could be done for their families. The country I passed through was all familiar ground to me; the Military Institute was my "Alma Mater." My kith and kin lived along the route taken by Hunter and everything that would stimulated a man to almost superhuman efforts was here found to help and force me to do my utmost. The citizens of Lynchburg lionized McCausland for the conspicuous part he played in the defense of their city. At the time they expressed thanks by an address from the city council. They also gave him a golden sword with the inscription, "The City of Lynchburg to General John McCausland, July 18, 1864," and a fine saddle horse with equipment, which included a pair of solid silver spurs. These were presented to him with many expressions of gratitude. For several years, on his birthday, the city council of Lynchburg sent McCausland telegrams of appreciation.

On the sixty-first anniversary of the defense of Lynchburg, June 18, 1925, Mayor Walker Pettyjohn sent McCausland this telegram: "On this sixty-first anniversary of the attack on Lynchburg, which you so ably repelled with troops under your command, permit me to remind you of the grateful remembrance of our people and express the wish that you are this day enjoying the satisfaction that must be yours through having served God and your fellowmen." FROM LYNCHBURG TO WASHINGTON, 1864 When Hunter retreated from Lynchburg, McCausland followed with his brigade to the Forest Depot Road ten miles from Lynchburg. From there he crossed the country and came upon the road in the rear of Hunter's entire army, where he learned that the trains of Crook's divisions were but a short distance away. Although they were escorted by a cavalry regiment and an infantry battalion, McCausland moved at once against them. He succeeded in driving off the cavalry and capturing the entire train, but due to the cowardice and persistent disobedience of a colonel commanding one of his regiments, the Federal infantry escort recaptured the train and succeeded in getting to the main army. McCausland then returned to Lynchburg by a considerable detour around Hunter's left.Undaunted by these failure, McCausland moved to Salem. On this movement he was accompanied by General William E. Jones's old brigade, which together with McCausland's forces, was commanded by General Robert Ransom. Upon their arrival at Salem the Confederate scouts reported that Hunter's army was encamped in nearby meadows. There Hunter had parked his wagons and artillery and had begun grazing his horses. There were no pickets and some of Ransom's men, in the darkness and fog, approached to within a short distance of Hunter's camp without giving an alarm. The Confederate brigades were within a miles of the unguarded wagons and artillery which could have been captured had Ransom given the order. Instead, he permitted the trains and artillery to be moved off unmolested on the road leading to Craig Court House.Realizing that this was a good opportunity to get supplies and inflict damage on the enemy, McCausland asked permission to pursue. About eleven o'clock this request was granted and within an hour McCausland had moved to Hanging Rock, Roanoke County, dismounted most of his men, and attacked the train as it was moving through the Gap. He captured eleven pieces of artillery, two hundred prisoners, about two hundred horses, many wagons loaded with powder, boots, shoes, and plunder taken from houses along the line of march. This was the remainder of the train that had not gotten through the Gap at Hanging Rock before McCausland attacked.

McCausland sent the captured supplies to Fincastle, Botetourt County, then occupied the Gap. He hoped to delay the main Federal army long enough for Early to overtake it and bring on a general action. Averell, however, arrived with his cavalry and light troops and dislodged McCausland. This permitted Hunter's entire army to pass to Lewisburg, thence to Charleston and Parkersburg by way of the Kanawha and Ohio rivers. From Parkersburg, Hunter transported his troops over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to Martinsburg, where he arrived July 14.140 When Hunter retreated through the Gap at Hanging Rock, McCausland returned to a point near Lexington, where he joined General Jubal A. Early's main army. From there the army marched down the Valley to Winchester which they reached on July 1. At once it opened the second act of General Lee's planned strategy, which was to frighten the North while the Union armies were elsewhere engaged, and thus draw the enemy from Richmond.

In pursuit of this plan, McCausland, during the night of July 2, moved his brigade over North Mountain, near White Hall, Frederick County, and thence down the Valley of Back Creek. At daylight of July 3, he surprised and captured the garrison at North Mountain Depot and took two hundred prisoners. He then burned the railroad bridge across Back Creek and tore up railroad crossings in the vicinity of Martinsburg. Next he took position at Hainesville and was thus able to cut off possible retreat of the Federal forces that were then occupying Martinsburg.

142 Altering his plans McCausland advanced to Martinsburg and entered the town simultaneously with General John C. Breckenridge's division. The Federal infantry retreated toward Shepherdstown, when the Confederates crossed the Potomac at Williamsport and advanced to Hagerstown, where under orders from Early, McCausland on July 6, collected $20,000 from the residents. At the same time he was able to replenish Confederate supplies by a large amount of army stores -- 120,000 bushels of oats, 400 cavalry saddles and other equipment, which had been a part of the Fifth United States Cavalry, and all of the horses that were in the vicinity. He then moved by way of Funktown and Boonesboro to the Catoctin Mountain, where General Robert Ransom, Jr., was skirmishing with Federal cavalry.

Meantime, Early was collecting $200,000 from the citizens of Frederick Maryland, and seizing 1,000 head of horses. Previously he had driven General Lew Wallace before him to the Monocacy River.

Following his success at Hagerstown, McCausland moved through Catoctin Mountain Gap where he turned to the left and struck the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad west of the Monocacy. After destroying the track for some distance, he pushed on to Monocacy Junction and joined the right wing of Early's army during the night of July 8.

The Confederates on the west side and Wallace on the east side of the river remained quiet until eight or nine o'clock of the 9th. A staff of officers then requested that McCausland find a ford for the Confederate army to cross. In executing this order, McCausland was slightly wounded by Federal Cavalry that guarded the river. They failed, however, to prevent the main army from crossing when McCausland drove them back. Following this maneuver he drove off the cavalry guarding the left of Wallace's army.

In a short time Wallace sent a force of infantry and cavalry to recapture the fords. Meanwhile, McCausland had dismounted a part of his cavalry and was thus able to hold the Federals in check for three hours, or until two divisions of the Confederates crossed the Monocacy. Then the attack was made that resulted in Wallace's defeat and utter rout. He lost 1,968 in killed, wounded, and missing. Early lost between 600 and 700 men. McCausland had 400 of his 1,800 men killed and wounded.

This Union defeat provided the Confederates with a well-timed opportunity to threaten Washington. McCausland then moved his cavalry to Urbana and repulsed a cavalry regiment that was threatening the Confederate's right. He encamped on the Urbana battlefield that night and moved early the next morning towards Rockville. From Urbana to Rockville the Federal cavalry constantly knifed at his brigade. At Rockville he had a sharp struggle with Federal cavalry but drove them off in time to keep the road clear for Early's main army. Here he left the front and moved direct towards Georgetown, Early moving down the Seventh Street Road.

When McCausland reached the vicinity of Tennallytown, outside of Washington, he came upon an unoccupied fort where he met one division of General Horatio G. Wright's corps coming out to occupy it. McCausland was soon driven back and Wright took possession of the fort. McCausland, however, remained in front of it all of July 12 and skirmished with the Federals within. This kept them busy until Early sent reenforcements which arrived just before night with orders to attack the fort at once. This the Confederates hesitated to do and retired.

By this time Early was outnumbered, as Grant's Sixth Division had arrived. The Confederates therefore retired the night of July 12. McCausland guarded its left flank until he reached Edward's Ferry near Leesburg, Virginia. At this point McCausland crossed the Potomac with 2,000 cattle and 1,500 horses that he had collected. During the retreat, he was attacked near Rockville by Colonel Charles R. Lowell, whom he easily repulsed.

The main purpose of the raid around Washington was to draw Grant's attention from Petersburg. The Confederates also planned to get horses and supplies, and possibly to seize the President. Certainly they did not expect to take Washington and hold it. McCausland felt that if Early had been alive to his opportunity, Washington could have been raided. As it was, McCausland was nearer the city than any other Confederate general during the entire war, for from Georgetown he could see the unfinished dome of the Capitol.

McCausland's brigade was sent on July 15 from Leesburg by way of Aldie and Upperville, Fauquier County, to guard supply trains, cattle, prisoners and horses which belonged to the army, and to see them safely into the Valley through Ashby's Gap. He fought the enemy off along the way as far as Aldie. Four days later, on July 19, he engaged Federals at Berry's Ferry with considerable loss to them. On July 24, he rejoined the main army near Winchester and aided in the pursuit of Crook after the battle of Kernstown.

On the next day McCausland's brigade led the advance upon Martinsburg in which there was some skirmishing but a great deal more running. On the 26th, he advanced to the Potomac opposite Williamsport, Maryland, and, after a slight skirmish, drove Federal cavalry across the Potomac River. During the next few days he was employed in collecting stragglers and supplies at Hammond's Mill near Martinsburg.

CHAMBERSBURG AND MOOREFIELD July 28, 1864, General Early sent for McCausland to come to his headquarters at Martinsburg to explain to him orders which he was preparing for a raid into Pennsylvania. According to instructions McCausland was to take his brigade, General Bradley T. Johnson's, and Captain William G. McNutty's battery, totaling in all about 4,000 men, and proceed by way of Clear Spring and Mercersburg to Chambersburg. There he was to deliver a proclamation to the people demanding $100,000 in gold or $500,000 in greenbacks, in retaliation for damages done by Hunter in the Valley of Virginia. If the people of Chambersburg refused, fifty of their leading citizens were to be arrested and their town was to be burned.

From Chambersburg McCausland was to return via McConnelsburg to Hancock, Maryland, on the National Road, and proceed to Cumberland, and there levy the same amount. In case the sum was not paid, he was to burn Cumberland and destroy the machinery of its coal pits.

Next, he was to recross into West Virginia and proceed to New Creek Station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where he was to destroy the Federal defenses and as much of the railroad as practical. Then, after collecting all the horses, cattle, and other supplies for the army that could be found, he was to return to Winchester and report to Early in person.

In the execution of these orders, McCausland moved on July 28 to Hammond's Mill, in the vicinity of McCoy's Ford, Maryland. Major Harry W. Gilmor's battalion had crossed the Potomac during the night, captured the pickets guarding the ford, and driven the Fourteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry down the National Road. Gilmor did everything he could to create the impression that the raiding party was going in the direction of Hagerstown and guarded McCausland's rear.

Meanwhile, McCausland's entire command had passed through Clear Spring enroute to Mercersburg, which was reached about dark. There he halted, fed his horses, and collected stragglers in preparation for a night march to Chambersburg.Major James W. Sweeney's battalion of the Thirty-sixth Virginia moved in advance of the party and kept the road clear. It also drove off a detachment of Federal cavalry under Lieutenant Hancock T. McLean.

CHAPTER:6. Brothers in arms;Sister Regiments.

4th Virginia, "The Liberty Hall Volunteers: Stonewall's College Boys," by William G. Bean. Originally published in 1964 by the University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia, with 227 pages. Company I, of the 4th Virginia Infantry Volunteer Regiment was comprised of young lads from Washington (later Washington & Lee) College. Company I was led into battle by Captain(s) James J. White, Henry R. Morrison, Hugh A. White, and Givens B. Strickler. They would go on to fight in all the major conflicts of the Eastern Theater of war, including 1st Bull Run, Stonewall Jackson's Valley Campaign, Peninsular Campaign, 2nd Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Wilderness Campaign, Sheridan's final Shenandoah Valley campaign and Appomattox Court House. Sadly, after the engagement at Gettusburg, there only remained three original members of this company out of a total of seventy three. Valiant boys. Youthful men. Sad.

4th Virginia, "Memoirs of a Pulaski Veteran," by James N. Bosang, who was the Captain of Company C, of the Fourth Virginia Infantry. Published in 1912, at Pulaski, Virginia, you may have to settle for contemporary tomes, as this title may prove very hard to find.

"13th Virginia, "With the Old Confeds: Actual Experiences of a Captain in the Line" by Captain Samuel D. Buck, Company H, Thirteenth Virginia Volunteer Infantry Regiment. Originally published in 1925, this 2007 reprint includes an index, roster, photos, new introduction and battle locations. The 13th Virginia saw a lot of action, from 1st and 2nd Manassas, and the three Winchester battles to Gaines' Mill, Malvern Hill and Antietam, to both Fredericksburgs, Cold Harbor, Cedar Creek and finally at Appomattox Court-House. When Buck left his company in March, 1865 to join a cavalry unit there were only four men left in his company. Proceeds from this reprint are being donated to the Kernstown Battlefield Association. David F. Riggs, 1989, 158 pages, roster, cost $ 25.00, H. E. Howard.

17th Virginia, "Northern Virginia's Own: The Seventeenth Virginia Infantry Regiment, Confederate States Army" by William M. Glasgow, Jr., Colonel, US Army Ret. Published by Gobill Press, PO Box 571, Alexandria VA 22313 (Copyright March 30, 1989). "I found it in the Arlington County, Virginia, public library where it has the call no. 973.7455 G548n 1989. The book has 338 pages of text followed by many pages of references and a complete muster roll. It is based extensively on letters and diaries of individual soldiers and does a nice job of weaving the history of the regiment into the larger fabric of the war. It is filled with quotes from the chroniclers and descriptions of their daily lives. It makes for very interesting reading." Special thanks to David G. Davis Arlington VA for submitting this information to me for use on my website.

19th Virginia, "Reminiscences of Big I," by Private William N. Wood, Company A, 19th Virginia. Originally published in 1907 by the Michie Company, Charlottesville, Virginia with 107 pages. This unit was mustered into service of the Confederacy principles during the summer of 1861. It would participate in the engagements at such Virginia landscapes as Williamsburg, Seven Pines, Seven Days Battles (Peninsular Campaign), 2nd Manassas, Antietam, Md., Gettysburg, Pa, as well as Cold Harbor, and Sayler's Creek, etc. The original run of this book was comprised on only 200 copies, so if you can locate a very rare edition, hold on to it! The Charlottesville, Virginia newspaper, Progress, printed the entire book in a series during 1895. This book was reprinted in 1956 by the McCowat-Mercer Publishing Press, Jackson, Tennessee and edited by Bell I. Wiley, with 138 pages. The 1956 edition was again reprinted in 1987 by Broadfoot Publishing, Wilmington, North Carolina.

29th Virginia Infantry Regiment, "The Hogs of Cold Harbor," by Richard Lee Fulgham, M.A. "This book is a discovery. It gave me so close a sense of what it was like to be a Confederate soldier in the Civil War that I began to think of my own army experience. Old fears old excitements, even memories of my old equipment, and with it all, vivid as the sound of gunfire, came the smell of battle in the air of the book. I loved reading The Hogs of Cold Harbor. I was in the Civil War on the Southern side. That is no small education for a Northerner like me." -Norman Mailer

CHAPTER 7. The Pivotal Battle of Gettysburg.

Col Stuart slowly whipped his men into shape and by Nov 1861,the 56th was ready for war.

On May 10, 1863 - Sadly The South suffers a huge blow as Stonewall Jackson dies from his wounds, his last words,'Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees.

On June 3, 1863 - Gen. Lee with 75,000 Confederates launches his second invasion of the North, heading into Pennsylvania in a campaign that will soon lead to Gettysburg. June 28, 1863 - President Lincoln appoints Gen. George G. Meade as commander of the Army of the Potomac, replacing Hooker. He is the 5th man to command the Army in less than a year.

Gettysburg July 1-3, 1863 - The tide of war turns against the South as the Confederates are defeated at the Battle of Gettysburg in Pennsylvania.

The Battlefield. July 1863

The Gettysburg Battle was one of the worst battles in the American Civil War.

In July 1863, General Robert E. Lee's Army Of Northern Virginia of 75,000 men and the Union Army Of The Potomac under General George G. Meade met, by chance"civil war battle Gettysburg Pennsylvania American 1863.

General Meade After Pickett's Charge:

Did Meade want to fight at Gettysburg?

Did Meade want to retreat on the evening of July 2nd? Why didn't Meade counter-assault the Army of Northern Virginia after the Pickett-Pettifogger-Trimble charge?

American Civil War Battle Gettysburg Pennsylvania July 1-3 1863.

In July of 1863, General Robert E. Lee's Army Of Northern Virginia of 75,000 men and the 97,000 man Union Army Of The Potomac under General George G. Meade met, by chance, when a Confederate brigade sent forward for supplies observed a forward column of Meade's cavalry.

Of the more than 2,000 land engagements of the Civil War, Gettysburg ranks supreme. Although the Battle of Gettysburg did not end the war, nor did it attain any major war aim for the North or the South, it remains the great battle of the war which should be considered pivotal and key, but not decisive to the final outcome of the war.

Here at Gettysburg on July 1, 2, and 3, 1863, more men actually fought and more men died than in any other battle before or since on North American soil. The Gettysburg Campaign took place over three days; June 3 - July 13, 1863.

Day 1

"Gettysburg-July 1, 1863" In June, Robert E. Lee decided to take the war north. He planned to destroy the railroad bridge at Harrisburg, then "turn my attention to Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Washington as may seem best for our interest." After the long march north, Confederate troops were spread from Chambersburg, through Carlisle, and into York.

Towns across southern Pennsylvania were being "explored" for much needed supplies to continue the Southern offensive. While looking in Gettysburg, Pettigrew's brigade spotted Buford's cavalry on a ridge a mile west of town.

Gettysburg- Day1

A detailed tactical description of the first day's fighting. The engagements in McPherson Woods, at the Railroad Cuts, on Oak Ridge, on Seminary Ridge, and at Blocher's Knoll, and the retreat of Union forces through Gettysburg.It was early on the morning of 1st July the the first of lees corp to approach Gettysburg was A.P. Hill advance units ran into Bufords cavalry outposts west of the town.Logicaly Bulford should of kept in touch with the approucing enemy and fell back, information and eye ball inteligence could then of been sent up the chain of command to Reanalds and Meade.What Bulford actually did was to get his men dismounted and started to fight a delaying action,compleatly on his own initiative.

Pushing cavalry screens to oneside was a standard operational procedure for the Confederate Army. When Renalds arrived with the first corp he immediately supported Bulford.Then Hill deployed for a full scale attack. By noon on 1st july, lee and meade heard with some sprise that their troops were alredy ingaging the enemy.Neither General had intended to fight this battle where it had started and it was imposible by this stage to disingage.When Lee arrived he decided to keep it on the boil and go all out.The Battle of Gettysburg Pennsylvania began on July 1 with Confederate troops attacking that Union cavalry division on McPherson Ridge, west of the town. Out-numbered, the Union forces managed to hold, and even drive the Confederate army back, after the addition of John Reynold's Infantry division (and Reynold's subsequent death on the front lines).They prevailed until afternoon, when they were overpowered by additional southern troops, and driven back through town. In the confusion, thousands of Union soldiers were captured before they could rally on Cemetery Hill, south of town.

Long into the night Union troops labored over their defenses while the bulk of Meade's army arrived and took positions.

Day 2

On July 2nd, the battle lines were drawn up in two sweeping arcs. The main portions of both armies were nearly a mile apart on two parallel ridges; Union forces on Cemetery Ridge in the famous "fish hook", facing Confederate forces on Seminary Ridge to the west. Lee ordered an attack against both Union flanks.

On the south, James Longstreet's thrust on the Union left broke through D.E. Sickles' advance lines at the Peach Orchard, left the Wheat field and Plum Run (now known as Bloody Run) strewn with dead and wounded, and turned the rocky area called the "Devils Den", at the base of Little Round Top, into a shambles. Only a very observant General G. K. Warren saved Little Round Top for the Union, when he saw that the strategic hill was unmanned.

To the north, R. S. Ewell's attack ultimately proved futile against the entrenched Union right on East Cemetery Hill and Culp's Hill, even though they were able to take possession of the southern slope of Culp's Hill on one occasion. The frequent lack of effective communication would prove the downfall of the Confederacy this day. If they had only known that they were only a few hundred yards away from taking the Unions supply trains...if only Rodes had moved through the streets of Gettysburg to aid in the attack on Cemetery Hill..

Known as the hero of Little Round Top and the commanding officer who accepted the Confederates' surrender at Appomattox.

"Gettysburg-July 3, 1863"

Day 3

On July 3, Lee decided to press the attack to the Union center on Cemetery Ridge. At 1 in the afternoon, the southern artillery opened a bombardment that for a time engaged the massed guns of both sides in a thundering duel for supremacy, but did little to soften up the Union battle lines.

Then came the climax of the Battle of Gettysburg, cwith a salute from Longstreet, General George E. Pickett, in a desperate attempt to recapture the partial success of the preceding day, spearheaded one of the most incredible efforts in military history...a massed infantry assault of 15,000 Confederate troops across the open field toward the Union center on Cemetery Ridge. One mile they marched, while being pounded by artillery and rifle fire. Through it all, Pickett's men reached but failed to break the Union line, and the magnificent effort ended in disaster. The tide of the Confederacy had "swept to its crest, paused, and receded." In 50 minutes, 10,000 in the assault had become casualties, and the attack - forever to be known as Pickett's Charge - was now history.

The Last Attack at Gettysburg

Pickett's July 3, 1863 charge up Cemetery Ridge is the climactic event of the Battle of Gettysburg and a defining moment of the Civil War. With the failure of Pickett's Charge, the battle was over - the Union was saved. Lee's retreat began on the afternoon of July 4. Behind him, this small town of only 2,400 was left with a total (from both sides) of over 51,000 casualties. Over 172,000 men and 634 cannon had been positioned in an area encompassing 25 square miles. Additionally, an estimated 569 tons of ammunition was expended and, when the battle had ended, 5,000 dead horses and the other wreckage of war presented a scene of terrible devastation.

The Confederate army that staggered back from the fight at Gettysburg was physically and spiritually exhausted. Lee would never again attempt an offensive operation of such proportions. Meade, though he was criticized for not immediately pursuing Lee's army, had carried the day in the battle that has become known as the High Water Mark of the Confederacy.

The war was to rage for two more terrible and tormenting years but the Confederacy never recovered from the losses of Gettysburg. And through the deepening twilight of Confederate military might, all who had been to Gettysburg would remember.

Meade: Victor of Gettysburg

Meade took command only hours before his forces stumbled upon Robert E. Lee's Confederates at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, in 1863. He led his men to victory in one of the most famous battles in history, but Meade was soon embroiled in political battles with fellow generals and Washington politicians

The professor-turned-soldier who led the Twentieth Maine Regiment to glory at Gettysburg, earned a battlefield promotion to brigadier general from Ulysses S. Grant at Petersburg, and was wounded six times during the course of the Civil War.

* * *

CHAPTER 8. Development and DESPAIR.

Virginia was host to nearly 1/3rd of all Civil War engagements. This book not only offers concise detail but also gives terrific insight into the state of the Union and Confederacy during Lee's life. Lee was truly a one off kind gentleman and American, and had Virginia not been in the south or neutral, he ultimately would have led the Union forces.

Cadets in the Fray

The most celebrated schoolboy performance of the war was the baptism of fire of the Virginia Military Institute Cadet Corps at the Battle of New Market, Virginia-the only such instance in the war. The action took place in the Shenandoah Valley outside the village of New Market, in rolling country between a fork of the Shenandoah River and the flank of Massanutten Mountain. It was fought May 15, 1864, between a Federal force of some 6,500 under General Franz Sigel and Confederates about 4,500 strong, under General John C. Breckinridge.

The Cadets had marched in from Lexington, leaving the younger ones on their campus disconsolate, feeling disgraced at missing the opportunity to fight. The corps was 215 strong when it reached New Market, and was put into the opening battle on Sunday morning. They were eighteen or under, some of them sixteen, and reputedly even younger. (Tradition has it that some were only fourteen.)

They marched behind their commander, Lieutenant Colonel Scott Shipp, twenty-four, who rode a dappled gray horse. The boy soldiers heard their first cheering near the front, as General Breckinridge rode by "like the Cid," in the words of young John Wise, son of a Virginia governor.

Boys in an artillery battery recognized friends among the cadets as they passed, and called gibes:

"Here come the wagon dogs! . . . Ho, bombproofs, get outa them good clothes."

Some cadets wanted to fight for their honor on the spot, but were herded on. John Wise and three others were left behind as a baggage guard, but he made a dramatic speech to his crew and they deserted the post, leaving a Negro driver in charge of the wagon; they joined the cadet column.

Henry Wise, another of Governor Wise's sons, was one of their captains; the night before he had chided the boy soldiers for cursing, and for chicken stealing, but had later eaten some cold fowl in camp with them.

About noon, when a black thundercloud hung over the valley, the cadets joined the Confederate line of battle in the center -the place of honor, the history conscious among them thought. They came to a hill crest, passed their own little battery in action, and went down a slope into the open.

They heard musket fire and artillery, but nothing seemed close until a clap burst overhead. Five men went down in C Company: Captain Govan Hill, and Merritt, Read, Woodlief, and John Wise. just before he lost consciousness Wise saw Sergeant Cabell look at him with a pitying expression.

"Close up, men," Cabell said.

The line reached a ravine within 300 yards of a busy Federal battery-the six fine guns of the 30th New York, under Captain Albert von Kleiser. The ravine gave cover from the cannon, which fired from a crest studded with young cedars. The ditch was filled with cedar scrub, briers, stones, and stumps, and the cadets were a few minutes in passing through; even so, they were out before the older veterans on their flank, the 62nd Virginia.

Once the cadets halted under heavy fire while the file straightened, and the advanced flanks came even with the center. A dwelling, the Bushong House, split their line, and by companies they passed on either side, marking time beyond, restoring the line once more.

Colonel Shipp halted them. "Fix bayonets," he said. Almost immediately he was struck by a shell fragment, and fell. Several cadets were wounded at this moment, and the file lay down. Someone yelled an order to fall back on the next Confederate unit, but Cadet Pizzini of B Company swore and said he would shoot the first man who moved backward.

Captain Henry Wise got to his feet and shouted for a charge on the guns, and the line went up after him.

A Federal Signal Corps captain, Franklin E. Town, on the hill beside Von Kleiser's battery, watched the cadets come on with such fascination that it did not occur to him that he might be captured. The big guns had already changed from shrapnel to canister and then double canister, so that the air was filled with murderous small iron balls. The cadet corps did not falter, and in these last yards lost most of its dead and wounded.

Captain Town saw:

"They came on steadily up the slope. ...Their line was as perfectly preserved as if on dress parade. ....Our gunners loaded at the last without stopping to sponge, and I think it would have been impossible to eject from six guns more missiles than these boys faced in their wild charge up that hill."

The cadets were soon among the Federal gunners with bayonets. Lieutenant Hanna felled one with his dress sword, and Winder Garrett caught one with his bayonet. One cadet found Lieutenant Colonel W.S. Lincoln of the 34th Massachusetts on the ground, pinned by his fallen horse, but still defiant, and ready to shoot with a cocked pistol; the cadet subdued him with a bayonet.

With wild yells the cadets greeted the sight of the Institute flag over the guns, waved by their tall ensign, Evans, and celebrated their victory on the hilltop while the rainstorm broke.

Of John Wise's disobedient baggage guard of four, one was dead and two were wounded. The corps had eight dead and forty-four wounded, all told.

The 62nd Virginia, charging beside them, had seven of its ten captains shot down, four dead, and a total of 241 killed and wounded.

The chase went on for three miles as Sigel's force withdrew to Rude's Hill and beyond, and there was fighting, especially by artillery, after dark.

The next day, when he passed the VMI battery at the roadside, General Breckinridge stopped to pass compliments:

"Boys, the work you did yesterday will make you famous."

Dave Pierce, a boy soldier not too young to understand military life, called back: "Fame's all right, General, but for God's sake where's your commissary wagon?"

An impressive ceremony still a part of VMI life today celebrates May 15 on the Lexington campus. Selected cadets at roll call snap their replies as the names of the New Market casualties are called: "Dead on the field of honor, sir."

Training

To be an effective soldier in the Civil War, a man needed to know much more than how to drill on the parade ground and how to fire his musket. It was mostly the hard school of experience that turned a green recruit fresh from his country home into a lean, weatherbeaten soldier who was able to march all night and fight all day on scant rations. Many volunteers did not survive long enough to make the transition. Adaptation to army discipline and regimentation was one of the first trials of the new soldier. The idea of showing respect to and obeying the orders of a higher-ranking soldier irrespective of that person's prewar social standing, family, or wealth required a major psychological adjustment for many men.

Providing for physical needs posed severe difficulties in Civil War armies. Soldiers had to learn how to properly cook the rations that were issued to them and how to forage for supplemental food. They learned what they could do to help prevent scurvy, typhus and other camp diseases.

Bad water and poor sanitation caused the death of many soldiers. Survivors learned the value of proper sewage disposal and the necessity of clean drinking water. They learned how to build shelters to protect themselves from the elements and how to make repeated all-day marches and they also learned the necessity of maintaining their clothes, shoes and weapon.

Infantryman's Equipment

Volunteers went off to fight at the beginning of the war with a great deal of baggage-both army-issued equipment and personal items. In the early days of the war, a soldier carried ten pounds of gun: eighty rounds per man of ball cartridge, one pound of powder and five pounds of lead. Heavy equipment included; knapsack, haversack, three-pint canteen, all full with 3 days rations, rubber blanket, woolen blanket, shelter tent, full winter clothing, tin cup, tin plate, knife, fork, spoon, stationery, photographs, journal, Bible, tobacco, pipes, comb and brush, shaving tools, sewing kit, toothbrush, soap and whatever other gear did not hang from hooks on their belts. Soldiers had to carry their own gear and weapons and they soon discarded all but the essentials. Many soldiers even quit carrying extra clothes, just wearing what they had on.

The haversack, a foot-square canvas bag with a waterproof lining, a buckled flap, and a strap that was slung over the right shoulder, became the soldiers' indispensable carryall. It was designed to hold three days' rations, but the men would usually eat them all on the first day rather than carry the weight. This left the haversack free to carry a few personal items and most important, apples, blackberries, and other forage.

Body Armor

When the fighting started in 1861, many North and South inventors began producing metal shields, helmets, and vests promoting them as being bulletproof. Both governments tested and considered issuing armor to their men, but both rejected the idea, primarily because of the cost, which depending on the design would range from $5 to $15 per man. One ad for armor in Harper's Weekly claimed its product had been "repeatedly and thoroughly tested with plated bullets at 10 paces, rifle bullets at 40 rods, by many army officers and is approved and worn by them," but when the soldiers tested them, the results were tragic.

In the first year of the war many men bought their armor privately; some entire regiments were outfitted with it before marching off to battle. Soon, however, bulletproof vests and the men who wore them were held in contempt by their fellow soldiers. The armor was hot, heavy and uncomfortable and because the extra 10 pounds of steel plate was too much to be carried on long marches, thousands of vests were discarded in roadside ditches.

Army Headgear

Hats provided soldiers warmth in winter and shade in summer, offered some protection from rain, and served as handy bags for carrying foraged eggs and blackberries.

The styles of hats most commonly worn during the Civil War were the forage cap and its cousin the kepi. The original 1858 forage cap had a narrow leather visor and a high crown with a round, usually perfectly flat, top that flopped forward at a sharp angle. The kepi was a french-style forage cap with a lower crown and a top that tilted at a smaller angle. Where the top of a forage cap was flat, a kepi usually had a raised roll around the outside of the round, otherwise flat, top.

Confederate regulations called for the color of a kepi to match the wearer's branch of service; red for artillery, yellow for cavalry, dark blue for staff, and light blue for infantry. Most, though, were some shade of gray because of dye shortages. Officers added gold braid; one strand denoted a lieutenant, two a captain, three a field officer and four a general.

The Hardee hat, a stiff, high-crowned, wide-brimmed style that was the official dress hat for union officers and enlisted men, was universally disliked. Union soldiers modified it or discarded it for headgear more to their liking, usually choosing kepis or forage caps.

Some units became known for their distinctive headgear. Wisconsin's "Black Hat Brigade" was so named for the color of headgear all of its members wore. Zouave units wore a wide variety of tasseled turbans and other exotic hats. The 79th New York, called the Cameron Highlanders wore the style of cap called the glengarry for dress occasions and at the start of the war when they marched from New York into Washington. In battle however, they wore the chausser style kepi with the small New York State seal button on the side. While their fellow Scotsmen in the 12th Illinois wore tam-o'-shanters.

One additional item given to Civil War soldiers on both sides was the havelock, a cap cover made popular by Sir Henry Havelock of the British army in the Sepoy Rebellion in India in 1857. Made of white linen or cotton, the havelock was to be worn over the soldier's cap with its long tail covering the man's neck. The havelock was supposed to protect men who were fighting in hot climates from sunstroke. But the soldiers found the havelock actually made them hotter by not allowing air to circulate around their head and neck. Many Civil War soldiers used their havelocks not as cap covers, but as coffee strainers, dishcloths, or gun patches.

Soldiers' Shoes

If the Union or Confederate soldier was not a horse-mounted cavalryman or officer, he was a foot soldier. Throughout the war, these men marched long and hard, sometimes up to 30 or 40 miles a day. As a result, shoes became sorely needed by both sides.

The Union, backed by its industrial strength and factories, had the benefit of the sewing machine, a newly perfected invention that enabled thousands of Northern shoemakers to leave their benches and become soldiers. But the Confederacy fared far worse; it was extremely low on shoes. Worse still, corruption existed in some Confederate commissaries, where quartermasters shorted the soldiers and profits were pocketed.

There are many accounts of Rebels marching for miles barefoot during the winter. Ill-fitting shoes were also a problem, and carefully guarded shoe shops, situated close to brigade headquarters, were established to repair footwear. Often, Rebel foot soldiers with no shoes or poorly fitted ones were organized into separate commands to march apart from the rest of the troops on the soft grassy roadsides.

The men preferred shoes with broad bottoms and big, flat heels, instead of boots, which were heavy, twisted the ankles, and were difficult to put on and remove especially when wet. Shoes and boots were so valuable that special missions were made to procure them. They were even pulled from the feet of dead men on the bloodstained battlefields and were used by prisoners to barter for supplies such as food or tobacco.

* * *

Eastern Theatre

Like a bolt of lightning out of a darkening sky, war burst upon the American landscape in the spring of 1861, climaxing decades of bitter wrangling and pitting two vast sections of a young and vigorous nation against each other. Northerners called it the War of the Rebellion, Southerners the War Between the States. We know it simply as the Civil War.

In the East, beginning in the spring of 1861, the cry from Union headquarters was "On to Richmond!" For the next four years a succession of Northern commanders struggled desperately to do just that - get to Richmond. One well-designed effort in 1862 used the mammoth naval might of the Union to reach the vicinity of the Confederate capital by water routes. The other attempts stubbornly slogged across a narrow central Virginia corridor and sought to disperse tenacious Southern defenders who seemed always to be athwart the path. Confederate successes offered occasional opportunities to take the war north into Maryland and Pennsylvania and to threaten Washington. Both sides came to see the enemy army as the proper goal, and both recognized the obligation of the enemy army to defend its respective capital city against military threats. The consequence was four years of war fought to the death mostly in a relatively small strip of Virginia countryside between Washington and Richmond.

In December, Confederate cavalry leader J.E.B. Stuart fights a small affair at Dranesville, Virginia. All of the 1861 actions combined do not equal in scope a single day of the famous battles fought later in the war.

March 4 Abraham Lincoln inaugurated 16th President of the U. S April 12-13 Bombardment and surrender of Fort Sumter Allegiance: Fort Sumter, Charleston, and the Beginning of the Civil war President Lincoln calls for 75,000 volunteers April 17 Virginia secedes April 19 Confederates occupy Harpers Ferry, (now West Virginia) A Matter of Hours: Treason at Harper's Ferry June 10 Engagement at Big Bethel, First land battle in Virginia July 11 Engagement at Rich Mountain, Virginia (West Virginia)The Battle of Rich Mountain July 21 First battle of"bull run. Manassas (Bull Run), Virginia A Single Grand Victory: The First Campaign and Battle of Manassas July 27 George McClellan takes command Union Army of the Potomac Army Of The Potomac: McClellan Takes Command October 21 Battle of Ball's Bluff, Virginia Balls Bluff: A Small Battle and Its Long Shadow.

1862 Eastern Theatre

Joe Johnston's Confederates abandon their long-held lines around Manassas in early March and withdraw toward Richmond. McClellan's Army of the Potomac moves by water to Fort Monroe and Newport News at the tip of the Virginia peninsula and prepares to march on Richmond some 70 miles to the Northwest. Confederate delaying tactics and heavy rains slow McClellan's advance and it is nearly two months before he comes within sight of the city's steeples. When a Southern offensive at Seven Pines on May 31-June 1 fails to dislodge the Federal s and Johnston is wounded, Robert E. Lee assumes command of the Army of Northern Virginia and drives McClellan's troops away from the Southern capital in the Seven Days' Battles.

Victories during August by Maj. Gen. Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson at Cedar Mountain and by Lee's army at the Second Battle of Manassas push the Federal s back to the outskirts of Washington. Within nine weeks, Lee has transferred the war from his own capital to the edge of his enemy's. A Confederate offensive across the Potomac is halted and turned back after battles at South Mountain and Antietam (Sharpsburg), Maryland, in mid-September. The final action of the year ends in Federal disaster when McClellan's successor, Major General Ambrose E. Burnside, throws his army against Lee's near Fredericksburg, Virginia, in a series of frontal assaults that are easily and bloodily repulsed.

March 9 USS Monitor vs CSS Virginia in Hampton Roads, Virginia First naval battle between ironclad vessels. Mar 23-June 9 Stonewalls Shenandoah Valley Campaign. The Shenandoah Valley Campaign of 1862. March 23 Battle of Kernstown. We Are in for It!: The First Battle of Kernstown March 23, 1862 Battle of McDowell Battle of McDowell (The Virginia Civil War battles and leaders series

May 23 Battle of Front Royal Front Royal and Warren County (Images of America: Virginia First Battle of Winchester Shenandoah 1862 (Voices of the Civil War June 8 Battle of Cross Keys The battles of Cross Keys and Port Republic June 9 Battle of Port Republic Conquering the Valley: Stonewall Jackson at Port Republic Apr 5-May 4 McClellan's Army of the Potomac begins advance up the Virginia peninsula toward Richmond.

Battle of Drewry's Bluff, Virginia May 31-June battle of Seven Pines (Fair Oaks), Virginia. The Battle of Seven Pines, May 31-June 1, 1862 Robert E. Lee assumes command Army of Northern Virginia. Lee and His Army in Confederate History (Civil War America) June 25-July 1 Seven Days' Battles Richmond, Virginia Seven+Days+Battles+Lees+Defence+of+Richmond"Seven Days Battles: Lee's Defence of Richmond June 25 Battle of Oak Grove.

The Seven Days: The Emergence of Lee June 26 "Battle of Mechanics burg Extraordinary Circumstances: The Seven Days Battles June 27 Battle of Gaines' Mill"Echoes of Thunder: A Guide to the Seven Days Battles June 29 Battle of Savages Station Seven Days Battles 1862 .June 30 Battle of Glendale (Fraser's Farm)The Seven Days (Voices of the Civil War) Battle of Malvern Hill The Seven days' battles in front of Richmond August 9 Battle of Cedar Mountain, Virginia Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain August 28-30 "Manassas

Battle of Second Manassas (Bull Run), Virginia.

Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas September 1 Battle of Chantilly (Ox Hill), Virginia Tempest at Ox Hill: The Battle of Chantilly September 12-15 Siege and capture Harpers Ferry, (West Virginia)Six Years of Hell: Harpers Ferry During the Civil War September 14-17 Battles of South Mountain and Antietam, Maryland Antietam Battlefield, Sharpsburg, Maryland, 1862 (A Civil War Watercolour Map) November 7 Burnside replaces McClellan Army of the Potomac Commander The life and public services of Ambrose E. Burnside,: Soldier - citizen - statesman. December 11-13 Battle of Fredericksburg, Virginia. The Fredericksburg Campaign: Decision on the Rappahannock.

The Confederate States of America is formed with Jefferson Davis, a West Point graduate and former U.S. Army officer, as president. A hot blooded J.E.B. Stuart resigned from the U.S. army and renouncing his Father in Law, a union General.This war would also become known as the war between brothers.The Nation was caught in crises American against American, Brother against Brother, and father against son. From Illinois one bother wrote to another in Virginia, "I would strike down my own brother if he dare to raise a hand to destroy the flag". For many in America , and perticuly in the industrial north the slave question was an imbarisment. The abolitionist movement was gaining momentum.The emancipation of the slaves would eventially become a war aim for the northen government. All three sides of the triangle were looking for independance. The southern states wonted to be left alone. The northern states wonting to maintain the union. The African slaves taken from there homes and rightly wonting there freedom.

CHAPTER 9. JACKSON.

VMI

VMI in the Civil War

The Virginia Military Institute were cadets are educated in the arts of war ,dicipline, moral and duty.At the beginning of the war the their dress was the formal grey uniforms, similar to U.S. Military acadamy uniform. However, they soon adopted the plain grey outfit of the Confederate souldier.Thomas Jonathan (Stonewall) Jackson served on the VMI Faculty as Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy & Instructor of Artillery from August 1851 until the beginning of the Civil War in April 1861. The Virginia Military Institute Archives holds a large collection of Stonewall Jackson's personal papers, Jackson images, and other information about his life and times. Included on this page are links to full text correspondence, as well as to full text information about various topics of interest to Jackson.

Jackson was born and grew up in what is now the state of West Virginia. Until 1863, this area was part of Virginia. On 1824 January 21,Thomas Jonathan Jackson was born at Clarksburg, [West] Virginia.

Parents: Jonathan Jackson (1790-1826) an attorney, and Julia Beckwith Neale (1798-1831). They were married in September 1817 and had four children: Elizabeth (1819-1826); Warren (1821-1841); Thomas (1824-1863), and Laura Ann (1826-1911).

1826 March

Jackson's sister Elizabeth (age 6) and his father died of typhoid fever. Julia Jackson gave birth to Laura the day after her husband died. Widowed at age 28, Julia was left with extensive debts and the family was impoverished.

1830-1841

Julia Jackson remarried. Her new husband, Blake Woodson, disliked his stepchildren and the family had financial difficulties. A short time after the marriage, Thomas and Laura were sent to live with Jackson relatives in Jackson's Mill [West] Virginia; Warren was sent to Neale relatives. Julia Jackson died, as a result of childbirth complications, on Dec. 4, 1831. She left behind the three Jackson siblings and a newborn son (Thomas's half brother), William Wirt Woodson (1831-1875). Jackson and Laura spent the remaining years of childhood with their paternal uncles. Jackson's brother, Warren, died of tuberculosis in 1841.

1842 June-1846 June (Full text letters from this period)

Jackson attended the United States Military Academy at West Point. Jackson was not the first choice for his congressional district's appointment, but the top applicant withdrew from the academy after only one day. Jackson graduated in June 1846, standing 17th out of 59 graduates. Jackson began his U.S. Army career as a 2nd Lt., First Artillery Regiment. In 1844, Jackson's beloved sister, Laura, married Jonathan Arnold.

1846-1851 (Full text letters from this period)

United States Army officer. Served in the Mexican War, 1846-1848; stationed at Carlisle Barracks, PA; Ft. Hamilton, NY; Ft. Meade, FL.

1851-1861 April (Full text letters from this period)

In the spring of 1851 Jackson was offered and accepted the appointment to teach at the Virginia Military Institute in Lexington, Virginia; he resigned from the army.

On August 4, 1853, Jackson married Elinor Junkin (1825-1854), daughter of Dr. George Junkin (President of Washington College) and Julia Miller Junkin.

Elinor (Ellie) died in childbirth on October 22, 1854. Their child, a son, was stillborn.

During the summer of 1856 Jackson toured Europe, visiting Belgium, France, Germany, Switzerland, England and Scotland.

On July 16, 1857, Jackson married for the second time. His wife was Mary Anna Morrison (1831-1915), daughter of Robert Hall Morrison and Mary Graham Morrison. Mary Anna's family resided in North Carolina; her father was the retired President of Davidson College.

Mary Anna gave birth to a daughter, Mary Graham, on April 30, 1858; the baby died less than a month later, on May 25.

In November 1859, Jackson was one of the VMI officers who accompanied acontingent of VMI cadets to Harper's Ferry, where they stood guard at the execution of abolitionist John Brown.

1861-1863 (Full text letters from this period)

April 21, 1861 - the VMI Corps of Cadets was ordered to Richmond to serve as drillmasters for new army recruits. Jackson was placed in command of the cadets.

April 27, 1861 - Gov. John Letcher ordered Col. Jackson to take command at Harper's Ferry, where he organized the troops that would soon comprise the famous "Stonewall Brigade" (2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33rd Virginia Infantry Regiments; Rockbridge Artillery; all were from the Shenandoah Valley region of Virginia).

July 1861 - Promoted to Brigadier General. Battle of 1st Manassas, where he acquired the legendary nickname Stonewall. "Look, there stands Jackson like a stone wall."

October 1861 - Promoted to Major General. Placed in command of the Valley of Virginia (Shenandoah Valley)

1862 May & June - Jackson's brilliant Shenandoah Valley Campaign; victories at Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys and Port Republic. Following the successful campaign, Jackson was ordered to join Gen. Lee in the Peninsula (Eastern Virginia).

1862 June 15-July 1 - Seven Days Battles. Jackson displayed ineffective leadership which stood in stark contrast to the brilliance of the Shenandoah Valley campaign; the reasons for this uncharacteristic military failureare still debated among Jackson scholars. Returned to the Valley.

1862 June-September. Battles of Cedar Mountain, Clark's Mt., 2nd Manassas, Antietam .

1862 November - Jackson's daughter, Julia Laura, was born.

1862 December 13 - Battle of Fredericksburg

1862 December-1863 March - In quarters at Moss Neck, 10 miles south of Fredericksburg. The estate was owned by the Corbin family, who offered their home as winter headquarters.

1863 April - in camp at Hamilton's Crossing

1863 May 1 - Battle of Chancellorsville begins.

1863 May 2, 9:00 p.m. - While reconnoitering with members of his staff, Jackson was accidentally fired upon by his own troops. The 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment was responsible for the "friendly fire" incident.Jackson was struck by three .57 caliber bullets. He was taken to a field hospital near the battlefield, where his left arm was amputated.

1863 May 4 - Jackson was moved to a field hospital at the home of Thomas and Mary Chandler, near Guiney Station, approximately 30 miles from the battlefield.

1863 May 10 - Jackson died at 3:15 p.m. His last words were "Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees."

1863 May 15. Jackson's funeral took place in Lexington, Virginia, the town that was Jackson's home during his years as Professor at VMI.

After Jackson's Death

Mary Anna Jackson did not remarry. She was known as the "Widow of the Confederacy"and devoted much of her time to the United Daughters of the Confederacy organization. She died March 24, 1915 in Charlotte, NC; her remains were taken to Lexington, VA where she is buried beside her husband.

The close relationship between Jackson and his sister, Laura Jackson Arnold, was destroyed during the war. Laura was an outspoken Unionist who became estranged from her brother and other members of her family. Federal troops occupied her hometown of Beverly [West] Virginia during most of the war, and Mrs. Arnold cared for Federal wounded in her home. See the Johnson Family Papers for a letter mentioning Laura's wartime reputation.

Julia Jackson was less than one year old when her father died. She married William E. Christian in 1885; she died of typhoid fever in 1889, at age 26. Her children were Julia Jackson Christian (1887-1991), who married Edmund R. Preston; and Thomas Jonathan Jackson Christian (1888-1952), who married three times. Both of Jackson's grandchildren had several children; thus there are many living descendants of Stonewall Jackson.

How many VMI Alumni fought in the Civil War?

The latest research indicates that of the 1,973 alumni who were living at the beginning of the Civil War, 1,865 served (94.5%). Of those, 261 died (172 killed or mortally wounded in action, 89 from other causes while in service). Approximately 19 served in the Union Army.

How old was the typical Civil War era cadet?

Although the ages ranged from 15 - 24, most cadets were between 17 and 21, that is, very similar in age to today's college students.

How many cadets died at the Battle of New Market?

Ten cadets died in battle or as a result of their wounds. For much more information, see our Battle of New Market resources.

Where can I find out more about General Stonewall Jackson?

We have extensive Stonewall Jackson Resources online.

Which VMI alumni became Generals in the Confederate Army?

What was cadet life like during the war?

See these online collections of cadet letters and diaries.

How can I find out if my ancestor was a cadet during the Civil War?

Search our online Rosters Database

Did VMI's historical records survive the burning of the Institute in 1864?

Although Barracks and other buildings were badly damaged during Hunter's Raid, all important institutional records survived. Thus, VMI's Archives are remarkably complete for all eras, with no significant gaps.

Do you have military records for soldiers who did not attend VMI?

No. However, we are sometimes able to provide information about relevant resources available elsewhere.

Stonewall Jackson

at the Virginia Military Institute

"As Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Major Jackson was not a success....His genius was in the Science and Art of War." VMI Superintendent Francis H. Smith.

From 1851 until the outbreak of Civil War, Thomas J. Jackson served as Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Instructor of Artillery Tactics at the Virginia Military Institute in Lexington, Virginia. Natural Philosophy (in modern terms, roughly equivalent to Physics; it included astronomy, mechanics, acoustics, optics, and other sciences), was a difficult part of the mid-nineteenth century curriculum; many cadets found it almost impossible to master under the best of circumstances. Unfortunately, Major Jackson, as he was known at VMI, was a mediocre teacher--although highly intelligent, he could not convey the concepts to students. This inability, along with his humorless demeanor, soon branded Jackson as an unpopular faculty member, one who was the target of many student pranks.

Francis H. Smith, VMI's Superintendent during Jackson's era, wrote the following in his History of the Virginia Military Institute

"As Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Major Jackson was not a success. He had not the qualifications needed for so important a chair. He was no teacher, and he lacked the tact required in getting along with his classes....His genius was in the Science and Art of War. He found a field for the display of this genius when the war opened in 1861.

Anecdotes and Reminiscences

Cadet Charles M. Barton letter, 1855.

James C. Hiden (Class of 1857). "Stonewall Jackson. Reminiscences of Him as a Professor."

Cadet Pranks

Controversy

Cadet James A. Walker Court Martial, 1852

A confrontation in Jackson's classroom and a challenge to a duel.

Alumni appeal to Board of Visitors, 1856. A failed attempt to have Jackson removed.

They were married in September 1817 and had four children: Elizabeth (1819-1826); Warren (1821-1841); Thomas (1824-1863), and Laura Ann (1826-1911). More Jackson family genealogy 1826 March Jackson's sister Elizabeth (age 6) and his father died of typhoid fever. Julia Jackson gave birth to Laura the day after her husband died. Widowed at age 28, Julia was left with extensive debts and the family was impoverished. 1830-1841 Julia Jackson remarried. Her new husband, Blake Woodson, disliked his stepchildren and the family had financial difficulties. A short time after the marriage, Thomas and Laura were sent to live with Jackson relatives in Jackson's Mill [West] Virginia; Warren was sent to Neale relatives. Julia Jackson died, as a result of childbirth complications, on Dec. 4, 1831. She left behind the three Jackson siblings and a newborn son (Thomas's half brother), William Wirt Woodson (1831-1875). Jackson and Laura spent the remaining years of childhood with their paternal uncles. Jackson's brother, Warren, died of tuberculosis in 1841. 1842 June-1846 June (Full text letters from this period) Jackson attended the United States Military Academy at West Point. Jackson was not the first choice for his congressional district's appointment, but the top applicant withdrew from the academy after only one day. Jackson graduated in June 1846, standing 17th out of 59 graduates. Jackson began his U.S. Army career as a 2nd Lt., First Artillery Regiment. In 1844, Jackson's beloved sister, Laura, married Jonathan Arnold. 1846-1851 (Full text letters from this period) United States Army officer. Served in the Mexican War, 1846-1848; stationed at Carlisle Barracks, PA; Ft. Hamilton, NY; Ft. Meade, FL. 1851-1861 April (Full text letters from this period) In the spring of 1851 Jackson was offered and accepted the appointment to teach at the Virginia Military Institute in Lexington, Virginia; he resigned from the army. Reported for duty at VMI on August 13, 1851. He taught natural and experimental philosophy (related to modern day physics and including physics, astronomy, acoustics, optics, and other scientific courses). On August 4, 1853, Jackson married Elinor Junkin (1825-1854), daughter of Dr. George Junkin (President of Washington College) and Julia Miller Junkin. Elinor (Ellie) died in childbirth on October 22, 1854. Their child, a son, was stillborn. During the summer of 1856 Jackson toured Europe, visiting Belgium, France, Germany, Switzerland, England and Scotland. On July 16, 1857, Jackson married for the second time. His wife was Mary Anna Morrison (1831-1915), daughter of Robert Hall Morrison and Mary Graham Morrison. Mary Anna's family resided in North Carolina; her father was the retired President of Davidson College. Mary Anna gave birth to a daughter, Mary Graham, on April 30, 1858; the baby died less than a month later, on May 25. In November 1859, Jackson was one of the VMI officers who accompanied acontingent of VMI cadets to Harper's Ferry , where they stood guard at the execution of abolitionist John Brown. 1861-1863 (Full text letters from this period) April 21, 1861 - the VMI Corps of Cadets was ordered to Richmond to serve as drillmasters for new army recruits. Jackson was placed in command of the cadets. April 27, 1861 - Gov. John Letcher ordered Col. Jackson to take command at Harper's Ferry, where he organized the troops that would soon comprise the famous "Stonewall Brigade" (2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33rd Virginia Infantry Regiments; Rockbridge Artillery; all were from the Shenandoah Valley region of Virginia). July 1861 - Promoted to Brigadier General. Battle of 1st Manassas, where he acquired the legendary nickname Stonewall. "Look, there stands Jackson like a stone wall." October 1861 - Promoted to Major General. Placed in command of the Valley of Virginia (Shenandoah Valley) 1862 May & June - Jackson's brilliant Shenandoah Valley Campaign; victories at Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys and Port Republic. Following the successful campaign, Jackson was ordered to join Gen. Lee in the Peninsula (Eastern Virginia). 1862 June 15-July 1 - Seven Days Battles. Jackson displayed ineffective leadership which stood in stark contrast to the brilliance of the Shenandoah Valley campaign; the reasons for this uncharacteristic military failureare still debated among Jackson scholars. Returned to the Valley. 1862 June-September. Battles of Cedar Mountain, Clark's Mt., 2nd Manassas, Antietam . 1862 October - Lee reorganized his army into two corps. Jackson was promoted to Lt. General and given command of the new Second Corps. Jackson was now in charge of half of Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. 1862 November - Jackson's daughter, Julia Laura, was born. 1862 December 13 - Battle of Fredericksburg 1862 December-1863 March - In quarters at Moss Neck, 10 miles south of Fredericksburg. The estate was owned by the Corbin family, who offered their home as winter headquarters. 1863 April - in camp at Hamilton's Crossing 1863 May 1 - Battle of Chancellorsville begins. 1863 May 2, 9:00 p.m. - While reconnoitering with members of his staff, Jackson was accidentally fired upon by his own troops. The 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment was responsible for the "friendly fire" incident.Jackson was struck by three .57 caliber bullets. He was taken to a field hospital near the battlefield, where his left arm was amputated. 1863 May 4 - Jackson was moved to a field hospital at the home of Thomas and Mary Chandler, near Guiney Station, approximately 30 miles from the battlefield. 1863 May 10 - Jackson died at 3:15 p.m. His last words were "Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees." 1863 May 15. Jackson's funeral took place in Lexington, Virginia, the town that was Jackson's home during his years as Professor at VMI. After Jackson's Death Mary Anna Jackson did not remarry. She was known as the "Widow of the Confederacy"and devoted much of her time to the United Daughters of the Confederacy organization. She died March 24, 1915 in Charlotte, NC; her remains were taken to Lexington, VA where she is buried beside her husband. The close relationship between Jackson and his sister, Laura Jackson Arnold, was destroyed during the war. Laura was an outspoken Unionist who became estranged from her brother and other members of her family. Federal troops occupied her hometown of Beverly [West] Virginia during most of the war, and Mrs. Arnold cared for Federal wounded in her home. See the Johnson Family Papers for a letter mentioning Laura's wartime reputation. Julia Jackson was less than one year old when her father died. She married William E. Christian in 1885; she died of typhoid fever in 1889, at age 26. Her children were Julia Jackson Christian (1887-1991), who married Edmund R. Preston; and Thomas Jonathan Jackson Christian (1888-1952), who married three times. Both of Jackson's grandchildren had several children; thus there are many living descendants of Stonewall Jackson.

###

More Jackson family genealogy 1826 March Jackson's sister Elizabeth (age 6) and his father died of typhoid fever. Julia Jackson gave birth to Laura the day after her husband died. Widowed at age 28, Julia was left with extensive debts and the family was impoverished. 1830-1841 Julia Jackson remarried. Her new husband, Blake Woodson, disliked his stepchildren and the family had financial difficulties. A short time after the marriage, Thomas and Laura were sent to live with Jackson relatives in Jackson's Mill [West] Virginia; Warren was sent to Neale relatives. Julia Jackson died, as a result of childbirth complications, on Dec. 4, 1831. She left behind the three Jackson siblings and a newborn son (Thomas's half brother), William Wirt Woodson (1831-1875). Jackson and Laura spent the remaining years of childhood with their paternal uncles. Jackson's brother, Warren, died of tuberculosis in 1841.

###

1842 June-1846 June, Jackson attended the United States Military Academy at West Point. Jackson was not the first choice for his congressional district's appointment, but the top applicant withdrew from the academy after only one day. Jackson graduated in June 1846, standing 17th out of 59 graduates. Jackson began his U.S. Army career as a 2nd Lt., First Artillery Regiment. In 1844, Jackson's beloved sister, Laura, married Jonathan Arnold. 1846-1851 (Full text letters from this period) United States Army officer. Served in the Mexican War, 1846-1848; stationed at Carlisle Barracks, PA; Ft. Hamilton, NY; Ft. Meade, FL. 1851-1861 April (Full text letters from this period) In the spring of 1851 Jackson was offered and accepted the appointment to teach at the Virginia Military Institute in Lexington, Virginia; he resigned from the army.

###

Reported for duty at VMI on August 13, 1851. He taught natural and experimental philosophy (related to modern day physics and including physics, astronomy, acoustics, optics, and other scientific courses). On August 4, 1853, Jackson married Elinor Junkin (1825-1854), daughter of Dr. George Junkin (President of Washington College) and Julia Miller Junkin. Elinor (Ellie) died in childbirth on October 22, 1854. Their child, a son, was stillborn. During the summer of 1856 Jackson toured Europe, visiting Belgium, France, Germany, Switzerland, England and Scotland. On July 16, 1857, Jackson married for the second time. His wife was Mary Anna Morrison (1831-1915), daughter of Robert Hall Morrison and Mary Graham Morrison. Mary Anna's family resided in North Carolina; her father was the retired President of Davidson College. Mary Anna gave birth to a daughter, Mary Graham, on April 30, 1858; the baby died less than a month later, on May 25.

###

In November 1859, Jackson was one of the VMI officers who accompanied acontingent of VMI cadets to Harper's Ferry, where they stood guard at the execution of abolitionist John Brown. 1861-1863 (Full text letters from this period)

###

April 21, 1861 - the VMI Corps of Cadets was ordered to Richmond to serve as drillmasters for new army recruits. Jackson was placed in command of the cadets. April 27, 1861 - Gov. John Letcher ordered Col. Jackson to take command at Harper's Ferry, where he organized the troops that would soon comprise the famous "Stonewall Brigade" (2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33rd Virginia Infantry Regiments; Rockbridge Artillery; all were from the Shenandoah Valley region of Virginia).

###

July 1861 - Promoted to Brigadier General. Battle of 1st Manassas, where he acquired the legendary nickname Stonewall. "Look, there stands Jackson like a stone wall." October 1861 - Promoted to Major General. Placed in command of the Valley of Virginia (Shenandoah Valley) 1862 May & June - Jackson's brilliant Shenandoah Valley Campaign; victories at Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys and Port Republic. Following the successful campaign, Jackson was ordered to join Gen. Lee in the Peninsula (Eastern Virginia). 1862 June 15-July 1 - Seven Days Battles. Jackson displayed ineffective leadership which stood in stark contrast to the brilliance of the Shenandoah Valley campaign; the reasons for this uncharacteristic military failureare still debated among Jackson scholars. Returned to the Valley. 1862 June-September. Battles of Cedar Mountain, Clark's Mt., 2nd Manassas, Antietam .

###

1862 October - Lee reorganized his army into two corps. Jackson was promoted to Lt. General and given command of the new Second Corps. Jackson was now in charge of half of Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. 1862 November - Jackson's daughter, Julia Laura, was born. 1862 December 13 - Battle of Fredericksburg 1862 December-1863 March - In quarters at Moss Neck, 10 miles south of Fredericksburg. The estate was owned by the Corbin family, who offered their home as winter headquarters. 1863 April - in camp at Hamilton's Crossing.

###

1863 May 1 - Battle of Chancellorsville begins. 1863 May 2, 9:00 p.m. - While reconnoitering with members of his staff, Jackson was accidentally fired upon by his own troops. The 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment was responsible for the "friendly fire" incident.Jackson was struck by three .57 caliber bullets. He was taken to a field hospital near the battlefield, where his left arm was amputated. 1863 May 4 - Jackson was moved to a field hospital at the home of Thomas and Mary Chandler, near Guiney Station, approximately 30 miles from the battlefield. 1863 May 10 - Jackson died at 3:15 p.m. His last words were "Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees." 1863 May 15. Jackson's funeral took place in Lexington, Virginia, the town that was Jackson's home during his years as Professor at VMI.

###

After Jackson's Death Mary Anna Jackson did not remarry. She was known as the "Widow of the Confederacy"and devoted much of her time to the United Daughters of the Confederacy organization. She died March 24, 1915 in Charlotte, NC; her remains were taken to Lexington, VA where she is buried beside her husband. The close relationship between Jackson and his sister, Laura Jackson Arnold, was destroyed during the war. Laura was an outspoken Unionist who became estranged from her brother and other members of her family. Federal troops occupied her hometown of Beverly [West] Virginia during most of the war, and Mrs. Arnold cared for Federal wounded in her home. See the Johnson Family Papers for a letter mentioning Laura's wartime reputation. Julia Jackson was less than one year old when her father died. She married William E. Christian in 1885; she died of typhoid fever in 1889, at age 26. Her children were Julia Jackson Christian (1887-1991), who married Edmund R. Preston; and Thomas Jonathan Jackson Christian (1888-1952), who married three times. Both of Jackson's grandchildren had several children; thus there are many living descendants of Stonewall Jackson.

###

1826 March Jackson's sister Elizabeth (age 6) and his father died of typhoid fever. Julia Jackson gave birth to Laura the day after her husband died. Widowed at age 28, Julia was left with extensive debts and the family was impoverished. 1830-1841 Julia Jackson remarried. Her new husband, Blake Woodson, disliked his stepchildren and the family had financial difficulties. A short time after the marriage, Thomas and Laura were sent to live with Jackson relatives in Jackson's Mill [West] Virginia; Warren was sent to Neale relatives. Julia Jackson died, as a result of childbirth complications, on Dec. 4, 1831. She left behind the three Jackson siblings and a newborn son (Thomas's half brother), William Wirt Woodson (1831-1875). Jackson and Laura spent the remaining years of childhood with their paternal uncles. Jackson's brother, Warren, died of tuberculosis in 1841. 1842 June-1846 June (Full text letters from this period) Jackson attended the United States Military Academy at West Point. Jackson was not the first choice for his congressional district's appointment, but the top applicant withdrew from the academy after only one day. Jackson graduated in June 1846, standing 17th out of 59 graduates. Jackson began his U.S. Army career as a 2nd Lt., First Artillery Regiment. In 1844, Jackson's beloved sister, Laura, married Jonathan Arnold.

CHAPTER 10,

The most famous battle of Sheridan's Shenandoah Valley Campaign of 1864 (American Civil War ) and an object lesson in the danger of underestimating your enemy.

The Confederate commander in the valley, Jubal Early, had lost half of his army in two earlier defeats (3rd Battle of Winchester, 19 September 1864 and Fisher's Hill, 22 September 1864 ). Sheridan and Grant were now convinced that the valley campaign was over, and began to plan how to move Sheridan's men to the Richmond and Petersburg theater. Grant preferred an overland route through Virginia, while Sheridan favored using the Potomac, suspecting that while Early was down, he was not entirely out. Before Cedar Creek, the Federal Sixth Corps had actually started to move east.

Sheridan was right. While the Federal commanders were debating how to move troops from the valley, Lee was moving troops into it. Kershaw's Division was sent west to reinforce Early, who estimated his strength at Cedar's Creek at about 8,500 infantry, 1,200 cavalry and 40 pieces of artillery. Sheridan's force still numbered around 40,000 men (although some were scattered in garrisons around the valley).

Early's new army reoccupied Fisher's Hill on 13 October. This had the immediate effect of pulling the Federal Sixth Corps back to Cedar Creek (where Sheridan's army was encamped). However, Sheridan was not alarmed enough to rush back to his army. Instead, he attended a conference in Washington, and overnight on 18-19 October was sleeping at Winchester, fourteen miles north of his army.

That left General Wright in charge of the army. He was convinced that his left flank was protected by the North Fork of the Shenandoah River, and so concentrated his efforts on protecting his right, where he expected any attack to come. He was wrong. The Confederates knew the valley well, and on the night of 19 October made a night march around the Federal left. Early that morning, the Confederates launched their attack.

It was an immediate and spectacular success. The Federal Eighth Corps was hit first, and retreated in chaos. Next was the Nineteenth Corps, which was also pushed out of its camp, although in slightly better condition. Finally, the Sixth Corps was forced back by the Confederate rush, although this time in reasonably good order. By mid-morning most of Early's men thought that they had won a great victory.

This was when Early's day started to go sour. The Federal Sixth Corps had not routed, and was able to form a strong line north of the battlefield. Elements of the Nineteenth Corps began to form around them, and by 10.30 this new line was probably too strong for Early's men to attack with any chance of success. At the same time, many of the Confederate soldiers settled down to looting the Union camp. Early was later to blame this for his eventual defeat.

Worse was to come. Sheridan had been woken early by the sound of artillery from the south. At first he dismissed it as too light to indicate a battle, but soon changed his mind, and began what was to become his famous ride from Winchester. Just south of Winchester, Sheridan found the first evidence of the disaster at Cedar Creek - fleeing men, mostly of the Eighth Corps, desperate to get to safety.

Sheridan was about to secure his reputation. Riding south, he rallied as many men as he could, stopping whenever he encountered a large group of retreating soldiers to encourage them to turn south. By the time he reached the new Union line, at about 10.30, he had turned the tide of retreat. Over the next five hours, Sheridan reorganized his shattered army, in preparation for a counterattack. He was always at his best in a crisis, and this was the biggest crisis he faced while in command of an army. Very few other commanders on either side could have rallied an army that had suffered such a reverse in the morning and persuaded them to launch a counterattack on the very same day.

That counterattack went in at four in the afternoon. Early's men briefly held, but broke under the Federal attack and fled from the field. Once again, Sheridan suffered more losses that Early, but once again he could afford to. Early lost 320 dead, 1540 wounded, 1050 missing and captured, 43 guns and most of his supplies - perhaps as much as a third of his entire force. Sheridan's men lost 644 dead, 3430 wounded and 1591 missing and wounded, demonstrating the ferocity of the fighting. Even so, that still left him outnumbering Early by as much as five to one.

Despite this, Early and the Confederates did not flee the valley. While Sheridan spent the winter at Kernstown, Early camped at New Market, where he received a small number of reinforcements. Sheridan was finally able to dispatch most of his infantry to the Petersburg front. He was to have one more encounter with Early, at Waynesborough (2 March 1865), but after Cedar Creek most of the Shenandoah Valley was effectively lost to the Confederacy.

Battle of Cedar Creek, 19 October 1864

The most famous battle of Sheridan's Shenandoah Valley Campaign of 1864 (American Civil War ) and an object lesson in the danger of underestimating your enemy.

Despite this, Early and the Confederates did not flee the valley. While Sheridan spent the winter at Kernstown, Early camped at New Market, where he received a small number of reinforcements. Sheridan was finally able to dispatch most of his infantry to the Petersburg front. He was to have one more encounter with Early, at Waynesborough (2 March 1865) , but after Cedar Creek most of the Shenandoah Valley was effectively lost to the Confederacy.

###THE END###

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Sunday 12 February 2012

THE CALL TO ARMS.

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